By Kofi Akordor
Since the return to constitutional rule in 1993, successive governments have had to contend with agitations for the creation of new districts and regions. In few cases, ethnic and tribal arguments have informed these demands. However, generally speaking, it could be admitted that development considerations have been at the centre of most of such agitations.
Mainly, new districts and regions could be created out of existing ones for administrative or strategic convenience. For instance, the Greater Accra Region was carved out of the then Eastern Region, because it became obvious that Accra, being the national capital, would sap the rest of the region of resources if it was not given a separate administrative set-up, as had become the norm in many countries, and allow the rest of the region to stand on its own.
This could be likened to the creation of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) in Nigeria, when Abuja became the new Federal Capital of Nigeria. But whatever the reason, at the end of the day, the decision must not remain a mere political or administrative exercise, but one that would satisfy the intended objectives.
As stated earlier, the agitation for new districts and regions stem mainly from development concerns. There are many who believe, whether rightly or wrongly, that their areas would attract more development if they have their own separate districts or regions.
This is a debatable issue but it is easy to realise that most of the older districts have not improved in terms of developments. There may be a few things here and there, such as a district police station, one or two financial institutions opening branches in the district capital, a bungalow or two for the political head of the district and a few other senior public servants and that would be all.
The roads may still remain untarred, accommodation for public servants may not be adequate (that is if there are some at all), health facilities may be poor, educational facilities and other development infrastructure may be so bad that many people would refuse accepting posting to these places.
This is the general picture of most of our district capitals. The fortunes of most of our districts are not better than those of their capitals. Incidentally, it is the desire to have more development projects that many communities demand their own districts. The same can be said for existing regions and their administrative capitals. Some of these regions and their administrative capitals are as old as the Republic of Ghana, but are yet to come near anything that could be described as developed.
It can, therefore, be argued that if it is for administrative convenience, the creation of new districts or regions could make sense, but if it is for development purposes then we must raise more convincing arguments in that direction, since there are very little historical facts to support it.
In a federal system, where states are autonomous and run their own budgets, things may be different. In some federal systems too, the constitution makes it mandatory for every state to have certain facilities for which the federal government must produce funds. Unfortunately, ours is a unitary system and totally reliant on one national budget. So development generally is at the behest of the central government. This is one of the reasons why the quest for political power has taken such a dramatic turn for the worse, with people fighting tooth and nail to get closer to the centre of power in order to grab some development projects for their areas.
The agitation for new districts and regions have become a regular part of our political life and currently on the table is the debate to create or not to create a new region out of the present Northern and Volta regions.
The argument for another region from the Northern Region is that the place is vast and makes administration very difficult. It is very true that the Northern Region is very big — in fact it remains the biggest region in the country in terms of land mass. It is also true that with such a vast land with very little infrastructure, especially good roads, administering the region will be very difficult.
The tribal argument that the portion belonging to a particular tribal group should be demarcated from the rest of the region to create a new region can only appeal to those who are not interested in development but nursing a grandiose idea close to building an empire. That will not be good enough for a unitary state like Ghana.
Those in the northern part of the Volta Region are also making a similar argument of size to justify their own region. The Volta Region is very long but not too big for effective administration. What the region lacks and which is common to almost all the regions of this country is poor infrastructure.
As has been experienced after the creation of new districts, the siting of the administrative capitals themselves become contentious issues sometimes leading to violent confrontations. That is why it is easier said than done. But more importantly, the real issues must be addressed, since the agitation for new districts and regions only divert attention from the real situation on the ground.
I stated earlier that the country as a whole has common problems that are manifested in the conditions in the regions.
Mention can be made of the poor transportation network which makes us take long hours or even days to cover short distances. A railway system which was functional in the pre-colonial and immediate post-independence days but which has collapsed instead of being improved and covering the whole of the country by now. The least said about air transportation the better. The road network is not in any good shape either.
Other infrastructure including health, education, water and sanitation, agriculture and many others are still in very primitive states.
We have a development system which places emphasis on investing a huge part of our national resources in Accra instead of developing the regions and opening them to serious business. In desperation, people have come up with that conviction that creating more districts or regions will solve their problems.
That is far from the truth. What we should bear in mind is that every new district or region created is another administrative burden that must be carried by the taxpayer. Already Accra is sapping the energy of the national economy by paying a huge bureaucracy with very little remaining for real development.
A new district means a new bureaucracy to sustain the new district administrations including all the political office holders and their civil service counterparts. It means paying people for not necessarily doing anything. It means buying and servicing more vehicles for the comfort of a few. It means more official accommodation for a few people to the neglect of the vast majority of the population.
If at the district level so much could be spent to sustain administrative structures and personnel, one could imagine the magnitude of the problem at the regional level when a new one is created. A new region automatically means new districts. So apart from new infrastructure for the regional administration, new infrastructure must be built for the new districts.
Under conditions of good reason and sober-headedness, there would be no conflict over the siting of district and regional capitals if the ultimate objective is to bring development very close to the people. Otherwise, we would only have succeeded in creating bureaucracies of gigantic proportions that would drain our limited resources which otherwise would have been channelled into development projects.
What we must begin to do is to demand more accountability from our political and other public office holders who as of now, appear to be feeding fat on our national resources. Consider how people are becoming desperate to hold political office through fair or foul means and it paints a good picture of what is happening in our public service.
We must also demand that more money is spent on infrastructure in the regions, especially in the rural areas, to make those places more habitable instead of pouring everything into Accra which has become like a bottomless pit, swallowing everything poured into it without showing any signs of abating.
We must demand that the country is opened up with good roads, rail network and air transportation to reduce it in size. The agitation will end if people get what they want wherever they are in any part of the country.
The rate at which ministers, deputy ministers, special advisors and special assistants are springing up in Accra, each with its administrative and financial burden on the poor taxpayer, we will be doing ourselves more harm than good, if we should put our hopes in the creation of more districts and regions.
Ghana is too small to be fragmented into so many pieces. It could even be that the more districts and regions we create, the more divided we become.
fokofi@yahoo.co.uk
kofiakordor.blogspot.com
Tuesday, January 12, 2010
Tuesday, January 5, 2010
A JOURNEY THROUGH 365 DAYS (JAN 5, 2010)
AS the saying goes, “An unexamined life is not worth living”. Naturally, as we welcome a new year, it is just in order that we reflect over the past, recount with nostalgia our achievements and try to make amends regarding where we faulted over the period.
The year 2009, by all accounts, was quite eventful. It had its historical moments, its fair share of events which we wished would forever remain in our memory and the others we wished never happened.
The year could not be ushered in with the pomp and pageantry usually associated with the welcome party for the New Year. This was because the nation had an unfinished business, which was the spillover of Election 2008 to pick a new person to replace Mr J. A. Kufuor as the President of the Republic.
That business finally came to a dramatic end on Sunday, January 3, 2009, when Dr Kwadwo Afari Gyan, the Electoral Commissioner, announced the final results and declared Professor John Evans Atta Mills of the National Democratic Congress (NDC) the winner of the presidential contest.
It was a make-or-break affair. Call it a cliffhanger and you may not be far from right. One of the most keenly contested elections in the country’s political history ended with one of the closest electoral results. Official results indicated that the difference between Prof. Mills and Nana Addo Dankwa Akufo Addo of the New Patriotic Party (NPP), his opponent in the run-off, was 43,000 votes. Both parties contested some figures though, that was not Dr Afari Gyan’s cup of tea. It ended, arguably, as the most acrimonious political campaign witnessed in the Fourth Republic.
On Tuesday, January 7, 2009, a new government of the Fourth Republic was ushered into office when Prof. Mills followed his predecessors by swearing before thousands of Ghanaians at the Independence Square and watched by millions others in their homes, to uphold and defend the good name of Ghana, so may God help him.
Earlier in the morning, Mrs Joyce Bamford-Addo, a retired Justice of the Supreme Court, was elected the first female Speaker of our Parliament. There was already a female Chief Justice in the person of Mrs Theodora Georgina Wood, to be joined later by Mrs Mills-Robertson, who acted for some time as the Inspector General of Police.
Any hope that with the elections being over and a new government being in place, the parties were going to bury the hatchet and allow the nation to move on with its development agenda was short-lived. At the trail of the Transitional Team which was hailed at its formation was a dust of suspicion, hatred, accusations and counter-accusations.
The new government managed to put its team in place after those nominated for ministerial appointments went through the vetting process. It must, however, be placed on record that things were not easy for some of the nominees, especially Mr Fiifi Kwetey, whose approval before the full House was characterised by a walkout by the Minority.
Relations between the NDC and the NPP have always been rough. Officers of the previous NPP government were very loud, claiming that agents of the NDC government were harassing them and seizing their vehicles, some of which were legitimately acquired through the due process.
The NDC officers, on the other hand, were profuse in explaining their actions, claiming that some ministers and other public office holders in the old regime failed to do what was expected of them by handing over state property in their custody. The former Speaker of Parliament was alleged to have stripped his official residence bare when vacating the place.
In spite of the turbulent political atmosphere, the determination of Ghanaians to pursue the democratic path prevailed and Prof. Mills’s government plodded on, taking flacks from all angles, including members of his own party.
One issue which is yet to find a final resting place is the ex gratia payments recommended by the Chinnery-Hesse Report for public office holders covered by Article 71 of the 1992 Constitution. While members of the legislature were alleged to have collected theirs, members of the previous Council of State and former President J.A. Kufuor are still waiting for their turn.
The two main political parties, the NDC and the NPP, dominated the political landscape either at each other’s throat or fighting among themselves.
Dr Ekwow Spio-Garbrah, who contested the presidential primary with Prof. Mills, stirred up a hornet’s nest when he criticised President Mills’s administration in an article carried by the Daily Graphic, the nation’s most popular and biggest selling newspaper. The dust is just settling, but the bubbles will resurface when the party goes to congress to elect its national officers.
Some new terms have appeared on the political scene. You either belong to the Team A warming the bench or the Team B actively playing on the field. Some are also doing something quite different. You are either pissing in from outside or pissing out from inside. Whichever is better depends upon whoever is doing the assessment.
Just as the opposition NPP went into frenzy enjoying the NDC tearing itself apart, one of its own, Dr Arthur Kennedy, also a failure in his party’s presidential primaries, launched a book: Chasing the Elephant into the bush with serious ramifications. The publication drew blood and like sharks, the NPP turned against itself with voracious venom. The fight is still raging and may take the party to its congress to pick the next presidential candidate for the 2012 elections.
Politics apart, the life went on as usual with its joys and tribulations. The first major glow came when the 44th President of the United States of America, Mr Barack Obama and his family, paid a two-day state visit to the country from July 10 to 11, 2009. President Obama’s visit was a political triumph for Ghana, having overlooked Nigeria, the sub-regional superpower and chosen Ghana, citing Ghana’s democratic credentials.
The country enjoyed relative peace, even though Bawku in the Upper East Region and a few other places have remained on the radar of National Security. Bawku in particular has virtually remained a military garrison with police/military teams stationed there. Armed robbery has also remained a national menace until in the latter part of the year when the police stepped up their operations and gunned down many suspects to the chagrin of some human rights activists. But to members of the general public, the police did well to bring the menace under control.
A Presidential Commission to probe the Ghana@50 celebration of Ghana’s Golden Jubilee has presented its report and the President has pledged to apply the recommendations without fear or favour.
The month of October was not good for the country. On October 19, 2009, there was disaster on the Volta Lake, during which over 20 people were feared dead. On Wednesday, October 21, 2009, fire gutted the multi-storey Foreign Affairs Ministry building in Accra. From a committee’s report, the building has to go down because the cost of repairs could equally raise a new one. The Chinese government has already responded positively by promising to give the country a new Foreign Affairs ministerial building.
Incidentally, October brought the smiles back on the faces of Ghanaians, when the Black Satellites won the FIFA Under-20 World Cup in far away Egypt.
November could have passed as disaster-free but for a galamsey operation, which went tragic. More than 20 persons, mostly women, perished when a pit, in which they were mining at Wassa Dompoase in the Western Region collapsed on them on November 12, 2009.
It is rather unfortunate that politics has continued to dominate discussions on television, radio and in the newspapers in the past year. Even though one cannot run away from politics in our private and official lives, we hope this year will be more development-focussed to address the many problems confronting the country.
fokofi@yahoo.co.uk
kofiakordor.blogspot.com
The year 2009, by all accounts, was quite eventful. It had its historical moments, its fair share of events which we wished would forever remain in our memory and the others we wished never happened.
The year could not be ushered in with the pomp and pageantry usually associated with the welcome party for the New Year. This was because the nation had an unfinished business, which was the spillover of Election 2008 to pick a new person to replace Mr J. A. Kufuor as the President of the Republic.
That business finally came to a dramatic end on Sunday, January 3, 2009, when Dr Kwadwo Afari Gyan, the Electoral Commissioner, announced the final results and declared Professor John Evans Atta Mills of the National Democratic Congress (NDC) the winner of the presidential contest.
It was a make-or-break affair. Call it a cliffhanger and you may not be far from right. One of the most keenly contested elections in the country’s political history ended with one of the closest electoral results. Official results indicated that the difference between Prof. Mills and Nana Addo Dankwa Akufo Addo of the New Patriotic Party (NPP), his opponent in the run-off, was 43,000 votes. Both parties contested some figures though, that was not Dr Afari Gyan’s cup of tea. It ended, arguably, as the most acrimonious political campaign witnessed in the Fourth Republic.
On Tuesday, January 7, 2009, a new government of the Fourth Republic was ushered into office when Prof. Mills followed his predecessors by swearing before thousands of Ghanaians at the Independence Square and watched by millions others in their homes, to uphold and defend the good name of Ghana, so may God help him.
Earlier in the morning, Mrs Joyce Bamford-Addo, a retired Justice of the Supreme Court, was elected the first female Speaker of our Parliament. There was already a female Chief Justice in the person of Mrs Theodora Georgina Wood, to be joined later by Mrs Mills-Robertson, who acted for some time as the Inspector General of Police.
Any hope that with the elections being over and a new government being in place, the parties were going to bury the hatchet and allow the nation to move on with its development agenda was short-lived. At the trail of the Transitional Team which was hailed at its formation was a dust of suspicion, hatred, accusations and counter-accusations.
The new government managed to put its team in place after those nominated for ministerial appointments went through the vetting process. It must, however, be placed on record that things were not easy for some of the nominees, especially Mr Fiifi Kwetey, whose approval before the full House was characterised by a walkout by the Minority.
Relations between the NDC and the NPP have always been rough. Officers of the previous NPP government were very loud, claiming that agents of the NDC government were harassing them and seizing their vehicles, some of which were legitimately acquired through the due process.
The NDC officers, on the other hand, were profuse in explaining their actions, claiming that some ministers and other public office holders in the old regime failed to do what was expected of them by handing over state property in their custody. The former Speaker of Parliament was alleged to have stripped his official residence bare when vacating the place.
In spite of the turbulent political atmosphere, the determination of Ghanaians to pursue the democratic path prevailed and Prof. Mills’s government plodded on, taking flacks from all angles, including members of his own party.
One issue which is yet to find a final resting place is the ex gratia payments recommended by the Chinnery-Hesse Report for public office holders covered by Article 71 of the 1992 Constitution. While members of the legislature were alleged to have collected theirs, members of the previous Council of State and former President J.A. Kufuor are still waiting for their turn.
The two main political parties, the NDC and the NPP, dominated the political landscape either at each other’s throat or fighting among themselves.
Dr Ekwow Spio-Garbrah, who contested the presidential primary with Prof. Mills, stirred up a hornet’s nest when he criticised President Mills’s administration in an article carried by the Daily Graphic, the nation’s most popular and biggest selling newspaper. The dust is just settling, but the bubbles will resurface when the party goes to congress to elect its national officers.
Some new terms have appeared on the political scene. You either belong to the Team A warming the bench or the Team B actively playing on the field. Some are also doing something quite different. You are either pissing in from outside or pissing out from inside. Whichever is better depends upon whoever is doing the assessment.
Just as the opposition NPP went into frenzy enjoying the NDC tearing itself apart, one of its own, Dr Arthur Kennedy, also a failure in his party’s presidential primaries, launched a book: Chasing the Elephant into the bush with serious ramifications. The publication drew blood and like sharks, the NPP turned against itself with voracious venom. The fight is still raging and may take the party to its congress to pick the next presidential candidate for the 2012 elections.
Politics apart, the life went on as usual with its joys and tribulations. The first major glow came when the 44th President of the United States of America, Mr Barack Obama and his family, paid a two-day state visit to the country from July 10 to 11, 2009. President Obama’s visit was a political triumph for Ghana, having overlooked Nigeria, the sub-regional superpower and chosen Ghana, citing Ghana’s democratic credentials.
The country enjoyed relative peace, even though Bawku in the Upper East Region and a few other places have remained on the radar of National Security. Bawku in particular has virtually remained a military garrison with police/military teams stationed there. Armed robbery has also remained a national menace until in the latter part of the year when the police stepped up their operations and gunned down many suspects to the chagrin of some human rights activists. But to members of the general public, the police did well to bring the menace under control.
A Presidential Commission to probe the Ghana@50 celebration of Ghana’s Golden Jubilee has presented its report and the President has pledged to apply the recommendations without fear or favour.
The month of October was not good for the country. On October 19, 2009, there was disaster on the Volta Lake, during which over 20 people were feared dead. On Wednesday, October 21, 2009, fire gutted the multi-storey Foreign Affairs Ministry building in Accra. From a committee’s report, the building has to go down because the cost of repairs could equally raise a new one. The Chinese government has already responded positively by promising to give the country a new Foreign Affairs ministerial building.
Incidentally, October brought the smiles back on the faces of Ghanaians, when the Black Satellites won the FIFA Under-20 World Cup in far away Egypt.
November could have passed as disaster-free but for a galamsey operation, which went tragic. More than 20 persons, mostly women, perished when a pit, in which they were mining at Wassa Dompoase in the Western Region collapsed on them on November 12, 2009.
It is rather unfortunate that politics has continued to dominate discussions on television, radio and in the newspapers in the past year. Even though one cannot run away from politics in our private and official lives, we hope this year will be more development-focussed to address the many problems confronting the country.
fokofi@yahoo.co.uk
kofiakordor.blogspot.com
Tuesday, December 29, 2009
GOOD-BYE TO LAW AND ORDER (PAGE 7, DEC 29)
When Mr Stanley Nii Adjiri-Blankson came to office as the Metropolitan Chief Executive in 2004, he was full of vigour and bubbled with enthusiasm to tackle Accra’s twin problems of congestion and lawlessness.
True to his word, Nii Adjiri-Blankson embarked on a massive decongesting exercise unprecedented in the history of the national capital.
Suddenly, residents of Accra woke up to realise that motorists could drive through the city centre and do business without spending long hours in traffic jams.
Shop owners also heaved a heavy sigh of relief when they saw that, for once, the pavements in front of their shops were without the hawkers who had virtually brought their businesses to near collapse.
Under normal circumstances, this was a development that should have been cherished, supported and made permanent. Then came the presidential edict — the exercise must be halted and redesigned to give it a human face.
What started as a welcome exercise praised by all, except the pavement and street hawkers who had turned every available space in the central business district into a huge shopping mall, turned into a nightmare and deflated the ego of the then city mayor.
The reason was that there was going to be a by-election at Odododiodoo, the constituency in which the Makola Market and its environs are situated.
The National Democratic Congress (NDC), which was then in opposition, put its propaganda machinery into top gear and whipped up public sentiment against the decongesting exercise.
That was how the government made a hasty retreat and made Nii Adjiri-Blankson to look isolated and embarrassed just trying to do what he had been appointed to do — bring law and order into the business activities in Accra.
Incidentally, the New Patriotic Party (NPP) lost the by-election which was won by Mr Jonathan Nii Tackie Kommey of the NDC and with that an opportunity to bring sanity onto the streets of Accra was lost.
Elsewhere, Nii Adjiri-Blankson should have resigned, having been so humiliated by his own government. But he did what we all do here — remained in office and became a laughing stock of pavement traders who had no respect for the law.
His further attempts at decongestion were feeble and made no impact on the city landscape. The traders even refused to move to the new market built for them at the Kwame Nkrumah Circle because, to them, the place was not suitable for business.
Today, upon reflection, Nii Adjiri-Blankson may be smiling because he is not alone. What happened to him in 2004 has happened to Mr Alfred Vanderpuije, his successor. One of the promises Mr Vanderpuije made even before he was elected into office as the Accra Metropolitan Chief Executive was to bring Accra to international standards.
He made a pledge to rid Accra of unauthorised structures and clear the city’s roads, especially the Central Business District, of hawkers within 100 days of his appointment.
His first attempt was subdued by the Greater Accra Minister, Nii Armah Ashietey, who publicly condemned the move and said it did not have the backing of the regional administration. The regional minister’s declaration did not only undermine the authority of the Accra MCE but also exposed a weakness in the government, whose principal officers seemed to be operating along parallel lines.
Mr Vanderpuije is a determined person so he went into overdrive last week and cleared Makola of pavement traders and led a demolition squad to Kaneshie, Osu and other places to clear them of unauthorised structures. Instead of praise, his efforts were met with scorn and condemnation from members of his own government.
The complaints and lamentations of the displaced traders were expected because they had lost ground, but not the harsh words from government officials, including Nii Afotey-Agbo, the Minister of State at the Presidency.
The last straw came when the President was reported to have halted the exercise. There have since been denials of such an order with conflicting explanations from Presidential Spokesperson Mr Mahama Ayariga and Nii Afotey Agbo, both operating from the Castle, yet contradicting each other.
Mr Vanderpuije will surely feel betrayed, but the most serious thing is that we have in a way given official blessings to lawlessness in Accra for political expediency.
What it means is that any attempt to enforce the city’s bye-laws will encounter resistance from the oddest of places — the Presidency. City authorities are still battling with Sodom and Gomorra, Abuja, Agege, Ecomog and other slums in the city.
They are still trying to solve the problems created by the location of illegal structures on drains, public lands and other places which manifest during heavy rains.
Many projects like the Korle Lagoon Reclamation Project have suffered as a result of illegal structures and activities of squatters. Unfortunately, our brand of politics does not allow our governments to confront these problems head-on and solve them once and for all.
Our politicians, it is becoming clearer by the day, have played prominent roles in the lawlessness that has overtaken Accra. It seems the allure of office has blinded them to the importance of orderliness, which is lacking on the streets of Accra and other towns in the country.
Nii Adjiri-Blankson had his bitter experience in 2004; Mr Vanderpuije’s ordeal has just begun. The earlier we appreciate the fact that a market is a market, while a street remains a street, the better. To allow the former to take over the latter is tantamount to lawlessness and that is where we are today.
What is called the Tetteh-Quarshie Interchange is gradually turning into a giant marketplace as we watch impotently. Tomorrow, any attempt to restore sanity there will be met with resistance from human rights activists and politicians whose only interest is to win votes and not necessarily to make this country a better place than they came to meet it.
We may have satisfied a few traders today, but in effect we have endorsed lawlessness in the capital.
fokofi@yahoo.co.uk
kofiakordor.blogspot.com
True to his word, Nii Adjiri-Blankson embarked on a massive decongesting exercise unprecedented in the history of the national capital.
Suddenly, residents of Accra woke up to realise that motorists could drive through the city centre and do business without spending long hours in traffic jams.
Shop owners also heaved a heavy sigh of relief when they saw that, for once, the pavements in front of their shops were without the hawkers who had virtually brought their businesses to near collapse.
Under normal circumstances, this was a development that should have been cherished, supported and made permanent. Then came the presidential edict — the exercise must be halted and redesigned to give it a human face.
What started as a welcome exercise praised by all, except the pavement and street hawkers who had turned every available space in the central business district into a huge shopping mall, turned into a nightmare and deflated the ego of the then city mayor.
The reason was that there was going to be a by-election at Odododiodoo, the constituency in which the Makola Market and its environs are situated.
The National Democratic Congress (NDC), which was then in opposition, put its propaganda machinery into top gear and whipped up public sentiment against the decongesting exercise.
That was how the government made a hasty retreat and made Nii Adjiri-Blankson to look isolated and embarrassed just trying to do what he had been appointed to do — bring law and order into the business activities in Accra.
Incidentally, the New Patriotic Party (NPP) lost the by-election which was won by Mr Jonathan Nii Tackie Kommey of the NDC and with that an opportunity to bring sanity onto the streets of Accra was lost.
Elsewhere, Nii Adjiri-Blankson should have resigned, having been so humiliated by his own government. But he did what we all do here — remained in office and became a laughing stock of pavement traders who had no respect for the law.
His further attempts at decongestion were feeble and made no impact on the city landscape. The traders even refused to move to the new market built for them at the Kwame Nkrumah Circle because, to them, the place was not suitable for business.
Today, upon reflection, Nii Adjiri-Blankson may be smiling because he is not alone. What happened to him in 2004 has happened to Mr Alfred Vanderpuije, his successor. One of the promises Mr Vanderpuije made even before he was elected into office as the Accra Metropolitan Chief Executive was to bring Accra to international standards.
He made a pledge to rid Accra of unauthorised structures and clear the city’s roads, especially the Central Business District, of hawkers within 100 days of his appointment.
His first attempt was subdued by the Greater Accra Minister, Nii Armah Ashietey, who publicly condemned the move and said it did not have the backing of the regional administration. The regional minister’s declaration did not only undermine the authority of the Accra MCE but also exposed a weakness in the government, whose principal officers seemed to be operating along parallel lines.
Mr Vanderpuije is a determined person so he went into overdrive last week and cleared Makola of pavement traders and led a demolition squad to Kaneshie, Osu and other places to clear them of unauthorised structures. Instead of praise, his efforts were met with scorn and condemnation from members of his own government.
The complaints and lamentations of the displaced traders were expected because they had lost ground, but not the harsh words from government officials, including Nii Afotey-Agbo, the Minister of State at the Presidency.
The last straw came when the President was reported to have halted the exercise. There have since been denials of such an order with conflicting explanations from Presidential Spokesperson Mr Mahama Ayariga and Nii Afotey Agbo, both operating from the Castle, yet contradicting each other.
Mr Vanderpuije will surely feel betrayed, but the most serious thing is that we have in a way given official blessings to lawlessness in Accra for political expediency.
What it means is that any attempt to enforce the city’s bye-laws will encounter resistance from the oddest of places — the Presidency. City authorities are still battling with Sodom and Gomorra, Abuja, Agege, Ecomog and other slums in the city.
They are still trying to solve the problems created by the location of illegal structures on drains, public lands and other places which manifest during heavy rains.
Many projects like the Korle Lagoon Reclamation Project have suffered as a result of illegal structures and activities of squatters. Unfortunately, our brand of politics does not allow our governments to confront these problems head-on and solve them once and for all.
Our politicians, it is becoming clearer by the day, have played prominent roles in the lawlessness that has overtaken Accra. It seems the allure of office has blinded them to the importance of orderliness, which is lacking on the streets of Accra and other towns in the country.
Nii Adjiri-Blankson had his bitter experience in 2004; Mr Vanderpuije’s ordeal has just begun. The earlier we appreciate the fact that a market is a market, while a street remains a street, the better. To allow the former to take over the latter is tantamount to lawlessness and that is where we are today.
What is called the Tetteh-Quarshie Interchange is gradually turning into a giant marketplace as we watch impotently. Tomorrow, any attempt to restore sanity there will be met with resistance from human rights activists and politicians whose only interest is to win votes and not necessarily to make this country a better place than they came to meet it.
We may have satisfied a few traders today, but in effect we have endorsed lawlessness in the capital.
fokofi@yahoo.co.uk
kofiakordor.blogspot.com
Tuesday, December 22, 2009
REFLECTIONS OVER A MISSED CHRISTMAS (DECEMBER 22, 2009)
Time can play a lot of tricks on the human mind. It has a way of healing broken hearts and placing hope and even joy in the place which was once filled with pain and bitterness.
Call it the balm that soothes the pain and removes hatred from the memory chip. May be it is God’s own way of allowing time to filter the bad and awful things out of the system.
Of course, time can also sap us of our pleasant memories.
Upon reflection, I am wondering how many Ghanaians could remember the mood of the country around this time last year. We had then concluded a bitter first round of voting which left a stalemate.
The New Patriotic Party (NPP) had lost the parliamentary election narrowly but came slightly on top in the presidential. According to results released by Dr Kwadwo Afari-Gyan, the Electoral Commissioner, on Wednesday, December 10, 2008, Nana Addo Dankwa Akufo-Addo of the NPP had 4,159,439 votes, constituting 49.13 per cent of the valid ballots cast. His closest rival, Professor John Evans Atta Mills of the NDC, had 4,056,634 votes, representing 47.92 per cent of valid ballots.
In the parliamentary, the NPP had 103 seats, the NDC had 113, and the Convention People’s Party (CPP) had one, while four seats were won by independent candidates. Two seats — Asutifi South and Akwatia — were then not decided.
The campaign to December 7, 2008, was very hectic, murky and some places bloody. The two main parties — the NPP and NDC — were at their mudslinging best. Most of the dirty tricks were carried from the rally grounds to the media, which served as the platform for politicians to prove how crude and rude some of them could be. At certain stages, it became difficult to tell the difference between journalists and politicians because they were stalking the same enemy from different flanks.
Midway into the campaign, it became obvious to objective observers and open-minded supporters of the NPP that the NDC, which appeared weak and fragile at the initial stages, was, like a typical old war horse, not going to take defeat lying low.
After the first round, which the ruling NPP then was sure to take under the ‘One-Touch’ slogan, desperation set in and government decisions became erratic. The NDC decided to hammer where blood was oozing most.
In some of those acts of desperation, convicted traffic offenders were hurriedly released because the Attorney-General’s Department claimed they had been convicted under a non-existent law. The ban placed on the importation of textiles through other entry points apart from the Takoradi Port was quickly lifted.
Former President J. A. Kufuor went into frenzy inaugurating uncompleted projects and cutting the sod for the commencement of others especially fishing harbours along the coast of Ghana which, for all intents and purposes, were not captured in the national budget.
While all these could be seen as part of the political game and spoilt nobody’s business, a more intriguing and ominous arsenal was unleashed by the NPP, may be as a last resort. That was the fear theory. It started as claims by certain people that they had received death threats in the form of text messages or phone calls.
Initially, a few names, including those regular commentators on radio and television, came up as those whose lives were under threat. To oil the wheel of political intrigue that had been set in motion, Ghanaians were told that the phone number on which the threats were being issued belonged to former President J.J. Rawlings. It sounded strange and ridiculous, but people were ready to believe it.
The names of those who appeared on what became known as the ‘hit list’ were carefully chosen and multiplied on daily basis and included big names like Pastor Mensa Anamuah Otabil, the General Overseer of the International Central Gospel Church; Archbishop Nicholas Duncan-Williams of the Action Faith Ministries International; Mrs Justice Henrietta Abban, the judge over the Valley Farms case culminating in the conviction and imprisonment of Mr Tsatsu Tsikata, the former Chief Executive Officer of the Ghana National Petroleum Corporation (GNPC); pastors of other religious bodies, ministers in the NPP government, NPP Members of Parliament, nurses, teachers, musicians, doctors, intellectuals, business men and women, media practitioners, disc jockeys and many others until the list became endless.
Later, it was as if all Ghanaians had become endangered species. And the message was the same: “You will be killed if NDC wins the election.” It neither made sense, nor did it sound logical that a party desperately fighting for political power would eliminate almost the whole population after it had won the elections. But that was what the NPP strategists decided to put on the market.
Whether that strategy and others worked in favour of the NPP or not is a lesson for all political parties. But the results of the second round, which took place on December 28, 2008, showed that the NPP had switched positions with the NDC. The results showed that Prof Mills had 50.13 per cent, while Nana Akufo-Addo had 49.87 per cent of valid ballots cast.
The last hope for the NPP presidential candidate, which was the Tain Constituency election, came on and passed without any change in the final outcome of the presidential election.
The danger in that fake hit list was that it took our political campaigning to a new and a more dangerous level. It sowed seeds of fear and hatred. It brought the nation to the edge and precipice of self-destruction. What should have been a civil exercise to elect our President and lawmakers was turned into a battle of survival in which the stronger could easily annihilate the weaker.
It is a pity we have in our midst, people who are ready to do anything to win political power. It is also a sad commentary that some of these prominent men of God were part of that gigantic and dangerous game that could have brought this country into chaos.
Thank God, Ghana survived. The men of God who claimed they had been threatened with death have survived and in some cases expanded territories and hopefully won more souls for the vineyard of the Lord. All the others including those who amplified the hoax in the media are alive and still going about their legitimate businesses.
Ghanaians generally missed their Christmas and New Year celebrations last year. Not this year. No matter how hard things are, there is hope and we can celebrate, knowing fully well that there is a better tomorrow.
I wish dear readers a Merry Christmas and a Happy and Prosperous New Year in advance.
fokofi@yahoo.co.uk
kofiakordor.blogspot.com
Call it the balm that soothes the pain and removes hatred from the memory chip. May be it is God’s own way of allowing time to filter the bad and awful things out of the system.
Of course, time can also sap us of our pleasant memories.
Upon reflection, I am wondering how many Ghanaians could remember the mood of the country around this time last year. We had then concluded a bitter first round of voting which left a stalemate.
The New Patriotic Party (NPP) had lost the parliamentary election narrowly but came slightly on top in the presidential. According to results released by Dr Kwadwo Afari-Gyan, the Electoral Commissioner, on Wednesday, December 10, 2008, Nana Addo Dankwa Akufo-Addo of the NPP had 4,159,439 votes, constituting 49.13 per cent of the valid ballots cast. His closest rival, Professor John Evans Atta Mills of the NDC, had 4,056,634 votes, representing 47.92 per cent of valid ballots.
In the parliamentary, the NPP had 103 seats, the NDC had 113, and the Convention People’s Party (CPP) had one, while four seats were won by independent candidates. Two seats — Asutifi South and Akwatia — were then not decided.
The campaign to December 7, 2008, was very hectic, murky and some places bloody. The two main parties — the NPP and NDC — were at their mudslinging best. Most of the dirty tricks were carried from the rally grounds to the media, which served as the platform for politicians to prove how crude and rude some of them could be. At certain stages, it became difficult to tell the difference between journalists and politicians because they were stalking the same enemy from different flanks.
Midway into the campaign, it became obvious to objective observers and open-minded supporters of the NPP that the NDC, which appeared weak and fragile at the initial stages, was, like a typical old war horse, not going to take defeat lying low.
After the first round, which the ruling NPP then was sure to take under the ‘One-Touch’ slogan, desperation set in and government decisions became erratic. The NDC decided to hammer where blood was oozing most.
In some of those acts of desperation, convicted traffic offenders were hurriedly released because the Attorney-General’s Department claimed they had been convicted under a non-existent law. The ban placed on the importation of textiles through other entry points apart from the Takoradi Port was quickly lifted.
Former President J. A. Kufuor went into frenzy inaugurating uncompleted projects and cutting the sod for the commencement of others especially fishing harbours along the coast of Ghana which, for all intents and purposes, were not captured in the national budget.
While all these could be seen as part of the political game and spoilt nobody’s business, a more intriguing and ominous arsenal was unleashed by the NPP, may be as a last resort. That was the fear theory. It started as claims by certain people that they had received death threats in the form of text messages or phone calls.
Initially, a few names, including those regular commentators on radio and television, came up as those whose lives were under threat. To oil the wheel of political intrigue that had been set in motion, Ghanaians were told that the phone number on which the threats were being issued belonged to former President J.J. Rawlings. It sounded strange and ridiculous, but people were ready to believe it.
The names of those who appeared on what became known as the ‘hit list’ were carefully chosen and multiplied on daily basis and included big names like Pastor Mensa Anamuah Otabil, the General Overseer of the International Central Gospel Church; Archbishop Nicholas Duncan-Williams of the Action Faith Ministries International; Mrs Justice Henrietta Abban, the judge over the Valley Farms case culminating in the conviction and imprisonment of Mr Tsatsu Tsikata, the former Chief Executive Officer of the Ghana National Petroleum Corporation (GNPC); pastors of other religious bodies, ministers in the NPP government, NPP Members of Parliament, nurses, teachers, musicians, doctors, intellectuals, business men and women, media practitioners, disc jockeys and many others until the list became endless.
Later, it was as if all Ghanaians had become endangered species. And the message was the same: “You will be killed if NDC wins the election.” It neither made sense, nor did it sound logical that a party desperately fighting for political power would eliminate almost the whole population after it had won the elections. But that was what the NPP strategists decided to put on the market.
Whether that strategy and others worked in favour of the NPP or not is a lesson for all political parties. But the results of the second round, which took place on December 28, 2008, showed that the NPP had switched positions with the NDC. The results showed that Prof Mills had 50.13 per cent, while Nana Akufo-Addo had 49.87 per cent of valid ballots cast.
The last hope for the NPP presidential candidate, which was the Tain Constituency election, came on and passed without any change in the final outcome of the presidential election.
The danger in that fake hit list was that it took our political campaigning to a new and a more dangerous level. It sowed seeds of fear and hatred. It brought the nation to the edge and precipice of self-destruction. What should have been a civil exercise to elect our President and lawmakers was turned into a battle of survival in which the stronger could easily annihilate the weaker.
It is a pity we have in our midst, people who are ready to do anything to win political power. It is also a sad commentary that some of these prominent men of God were part of that gigantic and dangerous game that could have brought this country into chaos.
Thank God, Ghana survived. The men of God who claimed they had been threatened with death have survived and in some cases expanded territories and hopefully won more souls for the vineyard of the Lord. All the others including those who amplified the hoax in the media are alive and still going about their legitimate businesses.
Ghanaians generally missed their Christmas and New Year celebrations last year. Not this year. No matter how hard things are, there is hope and we can celebrate, knowing fully well that there is a better tomorrow.
I wish dear readers a Merry Christmas and a Happy and Prosperous New Year in advance.
fokofi@yahoo.co.uk
kofiakordor.blogspot.com
Tuesday, December 15, 2009
SLOW, PAINFUL REGISTRATION EXERCISE (DEC 15, 2009)
THE scene at the registration centres brought agonising memories of what Ghanaians go through during elections, the latest being the 2008 presidential and parliamentary elections.
At the polling centres, meandering queues are formed by eager Ghanaians determined to cast their ballots to elect their parliamentary representatives and the person they believe is most qualified to be the President of this country.
Many wake up at dawn and stay on in the scorching sun until the final act is done. It is an experience many wish they would not go through again.
It is one thing to wish for something and another to get it. The play back came when the National Identification Authority (NIA) announced that the national registration exercise which had travelled tortuously through the Central, Eastern, Western and Volta regions was to pitch camp in the Greater Accra Region.
Greater Accra, being heavily populated, was to be segmented and treated in phases. Residents of Ga East, Ga West, Ashaiman and Tema were, therefore, asked to get themselves ready for the exercise to begin on Wednesday, November 18, 2009.
The D-day came and Ghanaians, with the usual enthusiasm they exhibit towards such national assignments, flocked to the registration centres in their neighbourhoods for what they thought was going to be a quick exercise in the national interest. But that proved to be a serious error of judgement. You either ignore the exercise or go through it to its agonising end, at the expense of your work or your regular schedule.
Many people complained that they had to wake up very early, sometimes as early as 3 a.m., to join queues, yet by the end of the day they had not been registered. Children had to abandon classes for days just to get themselves registered.
One expected that having gone through the exercise in four regions previously and gathered some field experience, the NIA would put things in order to make the exercise easy and accommodating for all. Unfortunately, that was not the case. It brought to Greater Accra all the problems its workers had accumulated in the four regions and the confusion had to be seen to be appreciated.
First, there was the misinformation that residents should go to the polling centres where they voted in the last elections to get registered. That meant that even if there was a registration centre nearer to you, you still had to go to your last polling centre.
Second, when you get to the centre, there are a few clerks taking down particulars of applicants. When they finish their work, there is only one camera connected to a computer where the information on the application form is to be captured and a photograph taken.
The exercise was painfully slow and there was pressure on everybody, including the registration assistants. Occasionally, there were mistakes, either at the point of filling the forms or with the computer-cum photographer.
Desperate people in the queue sometimes got agitated when they suspected that someone was trying to short-change them by jumping the queue. Naturally, an otherwise organised group got disorganised and everything became basaa or nyamaa, as we may put it in local parlance.
It became obvious by the second day of the 10-day exercise that the NIA settled on the registration centres without considering the population density of those centres. If those in authority knew but did not provide adequate logistics, then it would not be wrong to conclude that the NIA did not care for the success or otherwise of the exercise.
Right from the onset, the registration exercise was dogged by many problems. There was the proverbial problem of inadequate funds to procure the necessary logistics.
For a very long time there were labour disputes between the NIA and its field officers over how much should be the daily/monthly allowance and who deserved to receive what. That brought the exercise to near collapse at certain stages.
While it was battling with its own internal problems, the NIA ran into difficulty when, at one stage, it had to conduct its business alongside the Electoral Commission, which was also preparing its register for Election 2008. In an environment of high levels of illiteracy and ignorance, the confusion created could well be imagined.
After all these things, Ghanaians expected that the NIA would prepare adequately for the Greater Accra exercise, but if what happened in the first phase is a measure, then the NIA is still far away from having effective control over the exercise.
We share in the NIA’s lamentations over lack of adequate funds to procure the necessary logistics and pay its field staff decent allowances to keep them motivated to perform. That brings up the question: Why are the authorities reluctant to release funds when it comes to very important national exercises such as the national identification registration whose benefits are well-known to those who brought the idea?
The benefits are too numerous to mention, but a few will suffice here. The exercise, among many other things, will help the government to have a fair idea of our national population, its distribution and the various age and professional groups for purposes of national planning.
A national ID card will also help in the electoral process by serving as a back-up to the electoral register and voters’ ID cards. Apart from establishing who a citizen and a non-citizen are, the national ID card will facilitate easy transaction in the banks and official circles, such as admission to educational institutions or treatment at medical facilities, especially where nationality, location and other vital information are required.
This is an exercise that should not be handled haphazardly under any circumstances. That is why we think so far the NIA has not received the requisite support from government or failed to do its work with due diligence, or both. The exercise is not over and we think each new day should make us discharge our duties better, instead of repeating past mistakes.
There are many school leavers in town who could be recruited and deployed on the field to speed up the exercise and make it less cumbersome. There is also the need for additional equipment.
It should be possible for workers of certain organisations to be registered at their workplaces, just as it should be possible for students, at least those in the tertiary institutions, to registered on their campuses.
The refrain of ‘no money’ should not be used as an excuse. The exercise is too important for the nation for anybody to hide behind this facade of ‘no funds’ to undermine its success.
Ghanaians have shown enough enthusiasm and responded with great interest to the call to register. Let them not be blamed if the exercise fails to attain its full objectives. Many of us may not go beyond the NIA to look for the source of any failure.
fokofi@yahoo.co.uk
kofiakordor.blogspot.com
At the polling centres, meandering queues are formed by eager Ghanaians determined to cast their ballots to elect their parliamentary representatives and the person they believe is most qualified to be the President of this country.
Many wake up at dawn and stay on in the scorching sun until the final act is done. It is an experience many wish they would not go through again.
It is one thing to wish for something and another to get it. The play back came when the National Identification Authority (NIA) announced that the national registration exercise which had travelled tortuously through the Central, Eastern, Western and Volta regions was to pitch camp in the Greater Accra Region.
Greater Accra, being heavily populated, was to be segmented and treated in phases. Residents of Ga East, Ga West, Ashaiman and Tema were, therefore, asked to get themselves ready for the exercise to begin on Wednesday, November 18, 2009.
The D-day came and Ghanaians, with the usual enthusiasm they exhibit towards such national assignments, flocked to the registration centres in their neighbourhoods for what they thought was going to be a quick exercise in the national interest. But that proved to be a serious error of judgement. You either ignore the exercise or go through it to its agonising end, at the expense of your work or your regular schedule.
Many people complained that they had to wake up very early, sometimes as early as 3 a.m., to join queues, yet by the end of the day they had not been registered. Children had to abandon classes for days just to get themselves registered.
One expected that having gone through the exercise in four regions previously and gathered some field experience, the NIA would put things in order to make the exercise easy and accommodating for all. Unfortunately, that was not the case. It brought to Greater Accra all the problems its workers had accumulated in the four regions and the confusion had to be seen to be appreciated.
First, there was the misinformation that residents should go to the polling centres where they voted in the last elections to get registered. That meant that even if there was a registration centre nearer to you, you still had to go to your last polling centre.
Second, when you get to the centre, there are a few clerks taking down particulars of applicants. When they finish their work, there is only one camera connected to a computer where the information on the application form is to be captured and a photograph taken.
The exercise was painfully slow and there was pressure on everybody, including the registration assistants. Occasionally, there were mistakes, either at the point of filling the forms or with the computer-cum photographer.
Desperate people in the queue sometimes got agitated when they suspected that someone was trying to short-change them by jumping the queue. Naturally, an otherwise organised group got disorganised and everything became basaa or nyamaa, as we may put it in local parlance.
It became obvious by the second day of the 10-day exercise that the NIA settled on the registration centres without considering the population density of those centres. If those in authority knew but did not provide adequate logistics, then it would not be wrong to conclude that the NIA did not care for the success or otherwise of the exercise.
Right from the onset, the registration exercise was dogged by many problems. There was the proverbial problem of inadequate funds to procure the necessary logistics.
For a very long time there were labour disputes between the NIA and its field officers over how much should be the daily/monthly allowance and who deserved to receive what. That brought the exercise to near collapse at certain stages.
While it was battling with its own internal problems, the NIA ran into difficulty when, at one stage, it had to conduct its business alongside the Electoral Commission, which was also preparing its register for Election 2008. In an environment of high levels of illiteracy and ignorance, the confusion created could well be imagined.
After all these things, Ghanaians expected that the NIA would prepare adequately for the Greater Accra exercise, but if what happened in the first phase is a measure, then the NIA is still far away from having effective control over the exercise.
We share in the NIA’s lamentations over lack of adequate funds to procure the necessary logistics and pay its field staff decent allowances to keep them motivated to perform. That brings up the question: Why are the authorities reluctant to release funds when it comes to very important national exercises such as the national identification registration whose benefits are well-known to those who brought the idea?
The benefits are too numerous to mention, but a few will suffice here. The exercise, among many other things, will help the government to have a fair idea of our national population, its distribution and the various age and professional groups for purposes of national planning.
A national ID card will also help in the electoral process by serving as a back-up to the electoral register and voters’ ID cards. Apart from establishing who a citizen and a non-citizen are, the national ID card will facilitate easy transaction in the banks and official circles, such as admission to educational institutions or treatment at medical facilities, especially where nationality, location and other vital information are required.
This is an exercise that should not be handled haphazardly under any circumstances. That is why we think so far the NIA has not received the requisite support from government or failed to do its work with due diligence, or both. The exercise is not over and we think each new day should make us discharge our duties better, instead of repeating past mistakes.
There are many school leavers in town who could be recruited and deployed on the field to speed up the exercise and make it less cumbersome. There is also the need for additional equipment.
It should be possible for workers of certain organisations to be registered at their workplaces, just as it should be possible for students, at least those in the tertiary institutions, to registered on their campuses.
The refrain of ‘no money’ should not be used as an excuse. The exercise is too important for the nation for anybody to hide behind this facade of ‘no funds’ to undermine its success.
Ghanaians have shown enough enthusiasm and responded with great interest to the call to register. Let them not be blamed if the exercise fails to attain its full objectives. Many of us may not go beyond the NIA to look for the source of any failure.
fokofi@yahoo.co.uk
kofiakordor.blogspot.com
Tuesday, December 8, 2009
CAUGHT IN A POLITICAL BLACKMAIL (DEC 8, 2009)
AS a nation, we are gradually being pushed into a vicious political culture which will ultimately make nonsense of our democratic credentials.
The statement which qualifies democratic governance as “A government of the people, by the people and for the people” is gradually being replaced in our circumstances with “A government of a political party, by all Ghanaians and for a few supporters”.
Before the 2000 elections, there was grumbling within certain quarters of the ruling National Democratic Congress (NDC) of neglect. Some people, describing themselves as the foot soldiers and cadres who, even before the party came into existence, were doing the field work from the Provisional National Defence Council (PNDC) days, complained about being sidelined and abandoned.
The party hierarchy might have taken for granted complaints that the government at the time was only recycling the same people for over 10 years in political positions when there was a large pool of dedicated and qualified people to pick from to replenish the stock.
When the National Reformed Party (NRP), led by Mr Goosie Tanoh, was formed, the clear signals were left unheeded, and that party managed to take away a good number of the youthful supporters of the NDC. No matter how one looks at it, formation of the NRP played a part in the NDC’s defeat in 2000.
The New Patriotic Party (NPP) did not escape internal agitation from its foot-soldiers. The formation of the Reformed Patriotic Party (RPP) to contest the 2008 election was a residue of that discontent.
What many do not know is that the pressure comes not only from the so-called foot soldiers. A bigger or more intense pressure which is not normally made public comes from the financiers, relatives, friends and those described as loyalists and die-hard supporters. There are some elements within the NPP who are still blaming former President J.A. Kufuor for not giving them a free range to do according to their wish.
When millions of Ghanaians queue up in the scorching sun from dawn to dusk to cast their ballots, they do so in the main for one purpose — to elect a leader who, in their estimation, has the vision, conviction, capacity and tenacity of purpose to carry out the mission of making this country a better place for all.
Ghanaians are not unaware of the squalor and misery around them. They know their children are struggling to get the best of schools, they know they need good medical care, they know they need good drinking water, decent and affordable accommodation, good and abundant food, good roads and a regular source of income to get their pockets filled with cash at all times.
A President so elected is elected by the people of Ghana and whose responsibility it is to address the myriad of problems facing all Ghanaians without distinction. That is why when he is sworn into office, he does not pledge allegiance to any political party, tribal, ethnic or religious group but to the sovereign state of Ghana and its citizens.
It is, therefore, a dangerous trend if excessive pressure is mounted on the President from party quarters to begin to see the success of the government only in the eyes of party supporters. We know reference will always be made about the past, but that unhealthy practice must be condemned and consigned to the dustbin of political chicanery.
It must be recognised that every political party, as a human institution, has people running its activities. It must also be recognised that political parties comprise people with certain principles and shared beliefs, and, therefore, a political party that wins power cannot turn away from or abandon its core members, especially if these people have special expertise, skills and other qualities that will help the government to pursue its agenda of national development.
That is why no government should be blamed for concentrating political appointments in the hands of its members, in so far as the national interest is not pushed into the background. Otherwise, why do we form political parties, any way?
However, it appears we are gradually drifting into a politics of blackmail, where certain people claiming to be the supporters or foot-soldiers are claiming everything as if this country and its resources belong to only a section of the people with the rest of us mere innocent bystanders.
No one can take away or ignore the efforts of some individuals who campaigned for or gave various forms of assistance to political parties or candidates during elections. However, in fairness to all Ghanaians, can a President seriously identify the over four million people who made it possible for him to become the First Gentleman of the country?
There is a good reason ballots are secret, so that at the end of the day there will be no losers but all of us become winners. It is very likely that among those very vociferous about their support for a party are some who did not vote at all, or voted for a different party.
That is why the pressure on the President should not be about selective treatment but a general situation which makes it possible for any hardworking and serious person to make a decent living in whatever field of endeavour that person finds himself/herself.
Loyalty, dedication and commitment notwithstanding, the President must be able to pick a team from among the large pool of Ghanaians with the requisite qualifications and expertise that could change the fortunes of this country for the better. If we allow obsession with party loyalty and support to take the better part of us, we are more than likely to fill very important and strategic positions with the wrong people and the nation and the people of this country would be the greatest losers.
If we have the right people managing our economy well and business is flourishing, employment avenues are more than enough to absorb the young graduates and other skilled labour, if there are enough classrooms for our children and our roads are no longer death traps, if our health facilities are brimming with medications and well-motivated and satisfied health workers, who will be yearning for preferential treatment?
Sometimes we have to blame the politicians for the type of promises they make to their followers when on the campaign trail. In their desperation to win votes they talk as if there is a well of wealth they will fetch from and distribute to their supporters. Incidentally, most of these people do not have any professional qualifications or skills to fit easily into any job placement.
As you read this, President John Evans Atta Mills is under siege from party supporters for not clearing the path for them to reap what they sew during the campaign period. Some are of the strong opinion that there are many who were surrogates of the previous government and, therefore, must be kicked out. It is true there are some who served party interests rather than national interest.
Yes, there are many who are carrying scars of abuse from the previous government and would, therefore, want certain things done quickly. But should we begin to segment the country into winners and losers?
We must begin to appreciate the fact that apart from a few political office holders and their appendages, the majority of Ghanaians no matter their political affiliation can only hope and pray that the government delivers and that is where our salvation lies.
Members and supporters of political parties in government have every right to demand that their representatives in government deliver according to the development agenda promised the electorate.
They also have the right and in fact they owe it a duty to throw the searchlight on them, to ensure that they operate above reproach. Beyond that, any demand for the satisfaction of their selfish interests will derail the national process and undermine the spirit behind multiparty democracy.
We have fought for democratic governance for good reasons. We should not allow a few weaknesses inherent in the system to deny us the blessings of multi-party democracy.
In the days of military dictatorship, we kept our unity as a nation of one people. We all suffered the harsh cruelties and consequences of dictatorship and benefited from the crumbs of their benevolence.
The rulers owed no allegiance to foot soldiers or supporters who did not exist anyway. Their allegiance was to their guns and the few hangers-on, who were at their beck and call. The rest of us were just victims and obedient servants. Those were inglorious days no Ghanaian would want to return to.
That is why our democracy must be made to work. It will work in an atmosphere of tolerance, understanding and mutual exchanges.
The earlier we extricate ourselves from this political blackmail, the earlier we move away from patronage and the earlier we shy away from the philosophy of “this is our time, let us create and share”, the better for our democracy and our survival and progress.
fokofi@yahoo.co.uk
kofiakordor.blogspot.com
The statement which qualifies democratic governance as “A government of the people, by the people and for the people” is gradually being replaced in our circumstances with “A government of a political party, by all Ghanaians and for a few supporters”.
Before the 2000 elections, there was grumbling within certain quarters of the ruling National Democratic Congress (NDC) of neglect. Some people, describing themselves as the foot soldiers and cadres who, even before the party came into existence, were doing the field work from the Provisional National Defence Council (PNDC) days, complained about being sidelined and abandoned.
The party hierarchy might have taken for granted complaints that the government at the time was only recycling the same people for over 10 years in political positions when there was a large pool of dedicated and qualified people to pick from to replenish the stock.
When the National Reformed Party (NRP), led by Mr Goosie Tanoh, was formed, the clear signals were left unheeded, and that party managed to take away a good number of the youthful supporters of the NDC. No matter how one looks at it, formation of the NRP played a part in the NDC’s defeat in 2000.
The New Patriotic Party (NPP) did not escape internal agitation from its foot-soldiers. The formation of the Reformed Patriotic Party (RPP) to contest the 2008 election was a residue of that discontent.
What many do not know is that the pressure comes not only from the so-called foot soldiers. A bigger or more intense pressure which is not normally made public comes from the financiers, relatives, friends and those described as loyalists and die-hard supporters. There are some elements within the NPP who are still blaming former President J.A. Kufuor for not giving them a free range to do according to their wish.
When millions of Ghanaians queue up in the scorching sun from dawn to dusk to cast their ballots, they do so in the main for one purpose — to elect a leader who, in their estimation, has the vision, conviction, capacity and tenacity of purpose to carry out the mission of making this country a better place for all.
Ghanaians are not unaware of the squalor and misery around them. They know their children are struggling to get the best of schools, they know they need good medical care, they know they need good drinking water, decent and affordable accommodation, good and abundant food, good roads and a regular source of income to get their pockets filled with cash at all times.
A President so elected is elected by the people of Ghana and whose responsibility it is to address the myriad of problems facing all Ghanaians without distinction. That is why when he is sworn into office, he does not pledge allegiance to any political party, tribal, ethnic or religious group but to the sovereign state of Ghana and its citizens.
It is, therefore, a dangerous trend if excessive pressure is mounted on the President from party quarters to begin to see the success of the government only in the eyes of party supporters. We know reference will always be made about the past, but that unhealthy practice must be condemned and consigned to the dustbin of political chicanery.
It must be recognised that every political party, as a human institution, has people running its activities. It must also be recognised that political parties comprise people with certain principles and shared beliefs, and, therefore, a political party that wins power cannot turn away from or abandon its core members, especially if these people have special expertise, skills and other qualities that will help the government to pursue its agenda of national development.
That is why no government should be blamed for concentrating political appointments in the hands of its members, in so far as the national interest is not pushed into the background. Otherwise, why do we form political parties, any way?
However, it appears we are gradually drifting into a politics of blackmail, where certain people claiming to be the supporters or foot-soldiers are claiming everything as if this country and its resources belong to only a section of the people with the rest of us mere innocent bystanders.
No one can take away or ignore the efforts of some individuals who campaigned for or gave various forms of assistance to political parties or candidates during elections. However, in fairness to all Ghanaians, can a President seriously identify the over four million people who made it possible for him to become the First Gentleman of the country?
There is a good reason ballots are secret, so that at the end of the day there will be no losers but all of us become winners. It is very likely that among those very vociferous about their support for a party are some who did not vote at all, or voted for a different party.
That is why the pressure on the President should not be about selective treatment but a general situation which makes it possible for any hardworking and serious person to make a decent living in whatever field of endeavour that person finds himself/herself.
Loyalty, dedication and commitment notwithstanding, the President must be able to pick a team from among the large pool of Ghanaians with the requisite qualifications and expertise that could change the fortunes of this country for the better. If we allow obsession with party loyalty and support to take the better part of us, we are more than likely to fill very important and strategic positions with the wrong people and the nation and the people of this country would be the greatest losers.
If we have the right people managing our economy well and business is flourishing, employment avenues are more than enough to absorb the young graduates and other skilled labour, if there are enough classrooms for our children and our roads are no longer death traps, if our health facilities are brimming with medications and well-motivated and satisfied health workers, who will be yearning for preferential treatment?
Sometimes we have to blame the politicians for the type of promises they make to their followers when on the campaign trail. In their desperation to win votes they talk as if there is a well of wealth they will fetch from and distribute to their supporters. Incidentally, most of these people do not have any professional qualifications or skills to fit easily into any job placement.
As you read this, President John Evans Atta Mills is under siege from party supporters for not clearing the path for them to reap what they sew during the campaign period. Some are of the strong opinion that there are many who were surrogates of the previous government and, therefore, must be kicked out. It is true there are some who served party interests rather than national interest.
Yes, there are many who are carrying scars of abuse from the previous government and would, therefore, want certain things done quickly. But should we begin to segment the country into winners and losers?
We must begin to appreciate the fact that apart from a few political office holders and their appendages, the majority of Ghanaians no matter their political affiliation can only hope and pray that the government delivers and that is where our salvation lies.
Members and supporters of political parties in government have every right to demand that their representatives in government deliver according to the development agenda promised the electorate.
They also have the right and in fact they owe it a duty to throw the searchlight on them, to ensure that they operate above reproach. Beyond that, any demand for the satisfaction of their selfish interests will derail the national process and undermine the spirit behind multiparty democracy.
We have fought for democratic governance for good reasons. We should not allow a few weaknesses inherent in the system to deny us the blessings of multi-party democracy.
In the days of military dictatorship, we kept our unity as a nation of one people. We all suffered the harsh cruelties and consequences of dictatorship and benefited from the crumbs of their benevolence.
The rulers owed no allegiance to foot soldiers or supporters who did not exist anyway. Their allegiance was to their guns and the few hangers-on, who were at their beck and call. The rest of us were just victims and obedient servants. Those were inglorious days no Ghanaian would want to return to.
That is why our democracy must be made to work. It will work in an atmosphere of tolerance, understanding and mutual exchanges.
The earlier we extricate ourselves from this political blackmail, the earlier we move away from patronage and the earlier we shy away from the philosophy of “this is our time, let us create and share”, the better for our democracy and our survival and progress.
fokofi@yahoo.co.uk
kofiakordor.blogspot.com
Tuesday, December 1, 2009
ANOTHER FARMERS DAY, A MERE CELEBRATION? (PAGE 7, DEC 1)
ON Friday, December 4, 2009, farmers in the country will go through an annual ritual which began 25 years ago. Time can play tricks on the human memory, so it is necessary to recount the humble beginnings of what has now become the National Farmers Day.
Between 1982 and 1984, the country suffered a serious drought which members of that generation could not remember anything in history to compare to. By 1984, the country had been ravaged by devastating bushfires, which reduced the land bare and dry, with very little green vegetation.
The cocoa farms were all gone and so were food crops. The hunger reached excruciating levels when in 1983, more than one million Ghanaians were chased out of Nigeria to return to what they were escaping from. Our situation then might not have been as bad and desperate as the Ethiopian and Somalian cases, but all the same, Ghanaians had to endure a severe famine never experienced for decades.
That was how the National Mobilisation Squads, Mobisquads for short, came into existence to clear the farms and replant the cocoa trees. The activities of the Mobisquads were expanded to involve other community projects such as construction of classroom blocks, roads, toilets and many others.
In 1984, having emerged from this natural and human calamity, the National Mobilisation Programme (NMP), under the chairmanship of Commodore Steve Obimpeh, and the Ghana Federation of Agricultural Co-operatives (GHAFACOOPS), under Togbe Sasraku, put together a programme to celebrate with farmers their heroic role in the restoration of agricultural activities after the long drought and famine.
That was how, in December of 1984, farmers from all over the country came to gather at Osino in the Eastern Region, to receive honours from the state. The Osino meeting, at which Captain Kojo Tsikata (retd), member of the Provisional National Defence Council (PNDC), was the guest speaker, was modest by all standards, and farmers who won awards, including the national best farmer went home with sacks, cutlasses, Wellington boots, bicycles and certificates. Others not so lucky consoled themselves with handshakes.
Later, the government of the PNDC felt there should be a special day devoted to farmers and fishermen, in recognition of their hard work in feeding the nation and sustaining the economy. That was how the first Friday in December was institutionalised as the National Farmers’ Day.
The National Farmers’ Day, which has been observed religiously since then, has undergone transformation in significance, stature and substance. With the support of corporate institutions and a few individuals, the day has systematically advanced beyond the days of cutlasses, Wellington boots, jute sacks, bicycles and certificates to the present when the National Best Farmer collects keys to a three-bedroom house, while the two runners-up drive home powerful pickups. It is like the biblical saying that those who have, shall have more added to them.
The celebration has endured for the last 25 years, but as to whether or not the spirit behind the celebration has survived, is another matter. First, some people are of the view that there should be some modifications to improve upon the celebration.
They are also of the opinion that the district and the regional celebrations should not coincide with the national one, because the latter always takes the glamour off the lesser ones. It is felt that it would be a good idea to separate the district and the regional celebrations, after which the Grand National celebration will take place on the first Friday of December.
Others also think there is rather too much concentration on big-scale farmers to the neglect of the subsistent farmers who are in the majority and whose contributions to food production cannot be ignored.
The most important question, however, is how has agriculture fared since the institution of the National Farmers’ Day? Seriously speaking, agriculture is still at the subsistence level and excessively over-reliant on nature’s goodwill.
I mean food production in the country is in the main rain-fed. That means anytime the rains fail, the nation is at the risk of suffering from famine. Incidentally, this is a country endowed with large volumes of water which could easily irrigate the land and make agricultural production an all-year-round affair. This is where we have failed miserably.
Burkina Faso, our northern neighbours, have utilised the water in the Volta for farming and it is not strange to us in Ghana that we buy vegetables and spices from them on a regular basis.
The Minister of Food and Agriculture (MoFA), Mr Kwesi Ahwoi, raised hopes a few weeks into his administration when he announced that plans were afoot to go into big-time irrigation in the Afram and Accra plains, which have the River Volta and its lake flowing through them.
This is not the first time Ghanaians have heard of transforming the plains into the food basket and granary of the country, and we only hope that Mr Ahwoi’s declaration will also not turn out to be one of those political talks. It is unpardonable that a small country like Ghana, with vast fertile lands, should be a net importer of food items, especially rice, which is a staple in most homes.
The recent decision by the government to re-impose import duties on certain food items, including rice and poultry products is in the right direction, at least to assure local farmers that the local market will be theirs to take. But that is just one step, which may not yield much if not matched with credit facilities and subsidised inputs to facilitate expansion of farms and increase in production levels. I believe this is what the subsistence farmers are yearning for. And who knows, this attention will push them into the commercial and big-time range.
The greatest tribute the state can pay farmers is to make their vocation dignifying and self-rewarding. Farmers complain of poor prices during bumper harvests because roads to most food-growing areas are very bad and hardly accessible. Naturally, the market women who risk their lives and go to the producing centres call the shots.
Another area in which we have failed is storage and preservation. Dr Kwame Nkrumah, typical of his approach to national development, embarked upon construction of silos in various parts of the country. Almost all of these silos remain as symbols of national decay long after the man’s overthrow.
In the same way, we have not been able to exploit the benefits of fruit production in the country. While our mangoes, oranges and pineapples rot, we have, with a misplaced sense of pride, stocked our supermarkets with canned fruits from other parts of the world.
When we add value to farm produce through storage, preservation and processing, we will be doing more than just glorifying farmers. But we will be empowering them to take their destiny into their own hands. It will also give a boost to the economy more than just exporting raw materials.
The National Farmers’ Day has come to stay. But we need to do more than just assembling a few farmers out of the lot for honours, if we are to make agriculture generally attractive and rewarding. We need to go beyond the fanfare, if we are to achieve food security, which is the only way we can guarantee our independence and sovereignty. Well done, our farmers.
fokofi@yahoo.co.uk
Kofiakordor.blogspot.com
Between 1982 and 1984, the country suffered a serious drought which members of that generation could not remember anything in history to compare to. By 1984, the country had been ravaged by devastating bushfires, which reduced the land bare and dry, with very little green vegetation.
The cocoa farms were all gone and so were food crops. The hunger reached excruciating levels when in 1983, more than one million Ghanaians were chased out of Nigeria to return to what they were escaping from. Our situation then might not have been as bad and desperate as the Ethiopian and Somalian cases, but all the same, Ghanaians had to endure a severe famine never experienced for decades.
That was how the National Mobilisation Squads, Mobisquads for short, came into existence to clear the farms and replant the cocoa trees. The activities of the Mobisquads were expanded to involve other community projects such as construction of classroom blocks, roads, toilets and many others.
In 1984, having emerged from this natural and human calamity, the National Mobilisation Programme (NMP), under the chairmanship of Commodore Steve Obimpeh, and the Ghana Federation of Agricultural Co-operatives (GHAFACOOPS), under Togbe Sasraku, put together a programme to celebrate with farmers their heroic role in the restoration of agricultural activities after the long drought and famine.
That was how, in December of 1984, farmers from all over the country came to gather at Osino in the Eastern Region, to receive honours from the state. The Osino meeting, at which Captain Kojo Tsikata (retd), member of the Provisional National Defence Council (PNDC), was the guest speaker, was modest by all standards, and farmers who won awards, including the national best farmer went home with sacks, cutlasses, Wellington boots, bicycles and certificates. Others not so lucky consoled themselves with handshakes.
Later, the government of the PNDC felt there should be a special day devoted to farmers and fishermen, in recognition of their hard work in feeding the nation and sustaining the economy. That was how the first Friday in December was institutionalised as the National Farmers’ Day.
The National Farmers’ Day, which has been observed religiously since then, has undergone transformation in significance, stature and substance. With the support of corporate institutions and a few individuals, the day has systematically advanced beyond the days of cutlasses, Wellington boots, jute sacks, bicycles and certificates to the present when the National Best Farmer collects keys to a three-bedroom house, while the two runners-up drive home powerful pickups. It is like the biblical saying that those who have, shall have more added to them.
The celebration has endured for the last 25 years, but as to whether or not the spirit behind the celebration has survived, is another matter. First, some people are of the view that there should be some modifications to improve upon the celebration.
They are also of the opinion that the district and the regional celebrations should not coincide with the national one, because the latter always takes the glamour off the lesser ones. It is felt that it would be a good idea to separate the district and the regional celebrations, after which the Grand National celebration will take place on the first Friday of December.
Others also think there is rather too much concentration on big-scale farmers to the neglect of the subsistent farmers who are in the majority and whose contributions to food production cannot be ignored.
The most important question, however, is how has agriculture fared since the institution of the National Farmers’ Day? Seriously speaking, agriculture is still at the subsistence level and excessively over-reliant on nature’s goodwill.
I mean food production in the country is in the main rain-fed. That means anytime the rains fail, the nation is at the risk of suffering from famine. Incidentally, this is a country endowed with large volumes of water which could easily irrigate the land and make agricultural production an all-year-round affair. This is where we have failed miserably.
Burkina Faso, our northern neighbours, have utilised the water in the Volta for farming and it is not strange to us in Ghana that we buy vegetables and spices from them on a regular basis.
The Minister of Food and Agriculture (MoFA), Mr Kwesi Ahwoi, raised hopes a few weeks into his administration when he announced that plans were afoot to go into big-time irrigation in the Afram and Accra plains, which have the River Volta and its lake flowing through them.
This is not the first time Ghanaians have heard of transforming the plains into the food basket and granary of the country, and we only hope that Mr Ahwoi’s declaration will also not turn out to be one of those political talks. It is unpardonable that a small country like Ghana, with vast fertile lands, should be a net importer of food items, especially rice, which is a staple in most homes.
The recent decision by the government to re-impose import duties on certain food items, including rice and poultry products is in the right direction, at least to assure local farmers that the local market will be theirs to take. But that is just one step, which may not yield much if not matched with credit facilities and subsidised inputs to facilitate expansion of farms and increase in production levels. I believe this is what the subsistence farmers are yearning for. And who knows, this attention will push them into the commercial and big-time range.
The greatest tribute the state can pay farmers is to make their vocation dignifying and self-rewarding. Farmers complain of poor prices during bumper harvests because roads to most food-growing areas are very bad and hardly accessible. Naturally, the market women who risk their lives and go to the producing centres call the shots.
Another area in which we have failed is storage and preservation. Dr Kwame Nkrumah, typical of his approach to national development, embarked upon construction of silos in various parts of the country. Almost all of these silos remain as symbols of national decay long after the man’s overthrow.
In the same way, we have not been able to exploit the benefits of fruit production in the country. While our mangoes, oranges and pineapples rot, we have, with a misplaced sense of pride, stocked our supermarkets with canned fruits from other parts of the world.
When we add value to farm produce through storage, preservation and processing, we will be doing more than just glorifying farmers. But we will be empowering them to take their destiny into their own hands. It will also give a boost to the economy more than just exporting raw materials.
The National Farmers’ Day has come to stay. But we need to do more than just assembling a few farmers out of the lot for honours, if we are to make agriculture generally attractive and rewarding. We need to go beyond the fanfare, if we are to achieve food security, which is the only way we can guarantee our independence and sovereignty. Well done, our farmers.
fokofi@yahoo.co.uk
Kofiakordor.blogspot.com
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