By Kofi Akordor
The politics of our democracy, it seems, is being driven by two powerful forces – the quest for power and the determination to remain in power. So powerful are these obsessions that all other things must fit into a grand design that goes to consolidate them.
In the process, we are unconsciously missing out on most of the good things that democracy offers countries that practise it. These include a very liberal environment that would engender free flow of ideas out of which will come consensus-building towards a common national development objective.
During election time, all the political parties and candidates use every available platform to market themselves and at the same time use every opportunity to discredit their opponents. This is tolerated in any multi-party environment since the more you can make your opponent appear weaker and less reliable, the better your chances of getting the support of the electorate.
Unfortunately, so consumed are we in our determination to win power that our campaigns become very acrimonious, unethical and antagonistic to the point of threatening national peace and stability. All said and done, one would have thought that the end of an election would signify the end of political campaign until another season, so that the party in power will address serious matters of state that will transform the country into a better place.
We are yet to come to that level in our political development. Right from day one, government officials do not know how to exit the campaign platform because their opponents, by some cunning way, have succeeded in keeping them there, thanks to a media that has found politics a profitable venture that should be exploited to the fullest advantage.
What that means is that the government’s focus is always distorted and its actions are virtually dictated by the opposition, whether internal or external, as the National Democratic Congress (NDC) government of Professor John Evans Atta Mills is experiencing now.
That is why the media, especially the electronic media, have become campaign platforms in which case on daily basis government officials must hop from one radio or television station to another, supported by party activists, justifying why they won the election and why the other party lost the election.
We are constantly being reminded of the past as if our whole national life is dependent on that and not the present and the future. A party in government rather than pursuing the agenda of national development becomes the party on the defensive, always trying to parry queries from the opposition or trying desperately to please its so-called grass roots supporters, who have become an army of hungry and frustrated foot-soldiers.
A big chunk of the population has turned every part of the city into a marketplace. City authorities want to act by enforcing the bye-laws. The traders let off the battle cry: “We shall not vote for you in 2012”. Party victory supersedes national development, so the government recoils to allow the illegality to continue. Opposition parties, especially those who are more likely to gain from any slip by the ruling party, know the truth and know that the city authorities are on the right track if there should be decency in the town we call our capital city but will join the chorus with the traders. “You see how callous the people you elected are?” they would ask with wicked smile on their faces. A national cause has been lost to political expediency.
A President comes under siege from within and without. He is reeling under a barrage of accusations – from leaving party loyalists to go hungry to failing to arrest and prosecute people perceived to have drained the national coffers for personal aggrandisement.
Out of desperation and without doing proper ground work, people are sent to court and later set free not necessarily because they are innocent but on technical grounds. Nothing can be more humiliating than to see a typical national wrecker laughing all the way to celebrate victory over haste and impropriety.
We know things that governments such as the ones that we have under the 1992 Constitution cannot do even if they wish to do so. We have gone beyond arbitrariness, so no matter how hard we may try, at the end of the day, the rule of law will prevail, no matter how people interpret it.
These realities are often lost to us when we are campaigning for political office. At the end of the day, we are held hostage by our own promises. The late Ya Na’s case is a national calamity that should be addressed so accordingly. But we have made it a political case to the extent that the effects have gone beyond the boundaries of Dagbon and are gradually pitting half of the country against the other, when that should not have been the case in the first place.
We must be bold and admit that our democracy is drifting. The party in government is spending a greater part of its time fending off accusations, while the major one in opposition is pushing the government on retreat. Both ways, the national cause is lost and it is all about how to remain in power or how to come back to power.
Meanwhile our national problems remain almost the same. Our educational system is still in a bad shape. To some of us the Capitation Grant and the School Feeding Programme that have become the song on the lips of government officials are not what we consider to be the solutions to a collapsing system. They are not answers for poor infrastructure, inadequate learning materials, lack of motivation for teachers and other workers in the education system and the poor examination results being recorded by our children.
We still have poor road network. It is strange and amazing that travelling between Accra and Kumasi, our two biggest and most important cities, cannot be an exhilarating experience, nearly 60 years after independence. Even a journey between Accra and Tema, a distance of about 30 kilometres, can be nightmarish.
With all the bureaucracy called the Ministry of Agriculture, we are not ashamed to receive maize donation from Japan, a country that is still trying to recover from the devastation of earthquake and the resultant tsunami and nuclear melt-down.
We still have serious challenges in several sectors, including health, water and sanitation, graduate unemployment and youth delinquency. These are serious challenges but which appear not to be of much concern to our politics. Ours is to win power, fair or foul, and do everything to remain there.
Very soon, four years will be over and the game will start all over. Government officials will tell us a million and one achievements they have chalked up while the rest of us struggle to see or come to terms with those achievements. The blame game will start as usual in the inordinate ambitious fight for supremacy in the political arena. But our country may not change for the better.
fokofi@yahoo.co.uk
kofiakordor.blogspot.com
Tuesday, April 26, 2011
Kofi Annan International Peacekeeping and Training Centre — A beacon of peace-building, conflict resolution
By Kofi Akordor
From the ashes of any major calamity sprouts monuments of peace and progress. That being the case, one can say the Kofi Annan International Peacekeeping Training Centre (KAIPTC) did not come by through accident.
Those who have followed the numerous political upheavals in the sub-region, some culminating in violent confrontations and civil wars, will admit that the KAIPTC was a consequence of the many conflicts which bedevilled the sub-region over the last two decades or so. It was conceived and nurtured by the desire to pre-determine coming events, proactively act to stem conflicts and, where they become unavoidable, put mechanisms in place to restore normalcy in conflict situations as quickly as possible and reduce to the barest minimum the carnage and social disintegration associated with such violent conflicts.
After the secessionist war between the short-lived Biafra and Nigeria between 1967 and 1970, the sub-region enjoyed relative peace, even though military coups were rampant in most of the countries. But when Charles Taylor led his fighters of the National Patriotic Front of Liberia (NPFL) to launch an attack on Samuel Doe’s forces on Christmas Eve, 1989, the situation in the sub-region changed.
For the next 10 years or so, the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) had to intervene in the Liberian civil war until the return to civilian rule in 2003. That war and those in Sierra Leone, Cote d’Ivoire and, to a limited extent, Cape Verde, might have brought it home to leaders of the sub-region the need to have an early-warning mechanism in place to engender proactive efforts to pre-empt violent confrontations, instead of waiting for the harm to be done before mobilising for peacekeeping operations.
The experiences gained mainly by Ghanaian soldiers in several peacekeeping operations in various parts of the world, including the Middle East, Bosnia, Rwanda, Darfur and other conflict zones where they saw the ravages and miseries brought about by wars, created the platform for the establishment of an institution that would serve as a forum for top military officers, leading politicians and civil society organisations committed to peacekeeping and conflict prevention and resolution to engage themselves on matters of peace-building and security challenges.
There was also the growing awareness that the wind of democracy blowing across the continent had brought in its wake election-related conflicts such as those witnessed in Kenya in 2007 and Cote d’Ivoire after the November 2010 elections. That demanded diplomacy and expertise in peace-building and conflict resolution to handle. The ground was, therefore, fertile for an institution such as the KAIPTC to sprout out of the debris of war and conflicts in the sub-region.
In January 2004, the KAIPTC became formally established, even though the records show that it started its programmes in 2003 as one of the three ECOWAS-designated training centres of excellence committed to undertaking research into conflict and issues of which appropriate training courses are developed and delivered for various military, police and civilian personnel involved in peace support operations not only in West Africa but also other parts of the world.
It was established by the Ministry of Defence Instruction (MDI) dated November 10, 1998, with Establishment Number MOD/03. The Ministry of Defence, in collaboration with the ministries of Foreign Affairs, the Interior and Finance, exercise limited supervision over the activities of the KAIPTC. It, however, has an independent governing board as its highest decision-making body.
For its vision, the KAIPTC aims: “To be an internationally preferred centre of excellence for research into and training for conflict prevention, management and resolution, and innovative thinking in integrated peace support operations and sustainable delivery of enhanced regional capacity building for peace support operations.”
It has as its mission: “To develop and deliver internationally recognized professional training courses and related programmes to equip personnel with selected skills and competencies required to meet Africa’s present and future complex peace and security challenges.”
At the end of the day, the strategic objectives of the KAIPTC include: Contributing to the development of regional and sub-regional capacity in the delivery of integrated peace support operations; Enhancing regional and sub-regional capacity for conflict prevention, management, resolution and peace-building; Enhancing understanding of critical peace and security issues in West Africa in particular and the continent as a whole; Creating effective, efficient and sustainable management and support arrangements for the centre.
These are laudable objectives and, seven years down the line, the research and training staff of the centre have collaborated with various development partners to deliver over 170 courses in diverse aspects of peace support operations for over 5,400 individuals and organisations from 87 countries across the world.
Within this short period of its existence, the KAIPTC has already attained recognition as a renowned international centre of excellence for education, training and research in peace support operations. It has, over the period, successfully engaged and collaborated effectively with national governments, regional and international organisations, diverse national and international institutions and others involved in research/training, governance, peace and security issues.
It has programmes in crisis information management; disarmament, demobilisation and reintegration; small arms and light weapons specialised course; conflict prevention; the rule of law and the media in peace support operations.
The centre has also been conducting research in areas such as regional peace and security, conflict prevention and peace-building and civil-military relations. Others are human trafficking, money laundering, maritime security, cross-border crimes and post-conflict peace-building.
As an indication of its development and progress, it has received accreditation from the National Accreditation Board as a tertiary institution. This has paved the way for the centre to run graduate programmes, including Master of Arts in Conflict, Peace and Security; Postgraduate Diploma in Development Diplomacy and Post-Certificate in Integrated Peace Support Operations.
The idea is to deliver peace and security training at an academically upgraded level, while at the same time providing an avenue for generating sustainable funds for the centre.
The centre has also established partnerships with some renowned international bodies and educational institutions, including the University of Pretoria in South Africa, the Fourah Bay College, the University of Sierra Leone, the United Nations Office of Internal Oversight Services and the World Economic Forum’s Global Agenda Council on Conflict Prevention.
The KAIPTC’s journey this far would not have been possible without support from various international development partners, both governmental and non-governmental, from the US, Germany and the UK.
From the ashes of any major calamity sprouts monuments of peace and progress. That being the case, one can say the Kofi Annan International Peacekeeping Training Centre (KAIPTC) did not come by through accident.
Those who have followed the numerous political upheavals in the sub-region, some culminating in violent confrontations and civil wars, will admit that the KAIPTC was a consequence of the many conflicts which bedevilled the sub-region over the last two decades or so. It was conceived and nurtured by the desire to pre-determine coming events, proactively act to stem conflicts and, where they become unavoidable, put mechanisms in place to restore normalcy in conflict situations as quickly as possible and reduce to the barest minimum the carnage and social disintegration associated with such violent conflicts.
After the secessionist war between the short-lived Biafra and Nigeria between 1967 and 1970, the sub-region enjoyed relative peace, even though military coups were rampant in most of the countries. But when Charles Taylor led his fighters of the National Patriotic Front of Liberia (NPFL) to launch an attack on Samuel Doe’s forces on Christmas Eve, 1989, the situation in the sub-region changed.
For the next 10 years or so, the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) had to intervene in the Liberian civil war until the return to civilian rule in 2003. That war and those in Sierra Leone, Cote d’Ivoire and, to a limited extent, Cape Verde, might have brought it home to leaders of the sub-region the need to have an early-warning mechanism in place to engender proactive efforts to pre-empt violent confrontations, instead of waiting for the harm to be done before mobilising for peacekeeping operations.
The experiences gained mainly by Ghanaian soldiers in several peacekeeping operations in various parts of the world, including the Middle East, Bosnia, Rwanda, Darfur and other conflict zones where they saw the ravages and miseries brought about by wars, created the platform for the establishment of an institution that would serve as a forum for top military officers, leading politicians and civil society organisations committed to peacekeeping and conflict prevention and resolution to engage themselves on matters of peace-building and security challenges.
There was also the growing awareness that the wind of democracy blowing across the continent had brought in its wake election-related conflicts such as those witnessed in Kenya in 2007 and Cote d’Ivoire after the November 2010 elections. That demanded diplomacy and expertise in peace-building and conflict resolution to handle. The ground was, therefore, fertile for an institution such as the KAIPTC to sprout out of the debris of war and conflicts in the sub-region.
In January 2004, the KAIPTC became formally established, even though the records show that it started its programmes in 2003 as one of the three ECOWAS-designated training centres of excellence committed to undertaking research into conflict and issues of which appropriate training courses are developed and delivered for various military, police and civilian personnel involved in peace support operations not only in West Africa but also other parts of the world.
It was established by the Ministry of Defence Instruction (MDI) dated November 10, 1998, with Establishment Number MOD/03. The Ministry of Defence, in collaboration with the ministries of Foreign Affairs, the Interior and Finance, exercise limited supervision over the activities of the KAIPTC. It, however, has an independent governing board as its highest decision-making body.
For its vision, the KAIPTC aims: “To be an internationally preferred centre of excellence for research into and training for conflict prevention, management and resolution, and innovative thinking in integrated peace support operations and sustainable delivery of enhanced regional capacity building for peace support operations.”
It has as its mission: “To develop and deliver internationally recognized professional training courses and related programmes to equip personnel with selected skills and competencies required to meet Africa’s present and future complex peace and security challenges.”
At the end of the day, the strategic objectives of the KAIPTC include: Contributing to the development of regional and sub-regional capacity in the delivery of integrated peace support operations; Enhancing regional and sub-regional capacity for conflict prevention, management, resolution and peace-building; Enhancing understanding of critical peace and security issues in West Africa in particular and the continent as a whole; Creating effective, efficient and sustainable management and support arrangements for the centre.
These are laudable objectives and, seven years down the line, the research and training staff of the centre have collaborated with various development partners to deliver over 170 courses in diverse aspects of peace support operations for over 5,400 individuals and organisations from 87 countries across the world.
Within this short period of its existence, the KAIPTC has already attained recognition as a renowned international centre of excellence for education, training and research in peace support operations. It has, over the period, successfully engaged and collaborated effectively with national governments, regional and international organisations, diverse national and international institutions and others involved in research/training, governance, peace and security issues.
It has programmes in crisis information management; disarmament, demobilisation and reintegration; small arms and light weapons specialised course; conflict prevention; the rule of law and the media in peace support operations.
The centre has also been conducting research in areas such as regional peace and security, conflict prevention and peace-building and civil-military relations. Others are human trafficking, money laundering, maritime security, cross-border crimes and post-conflict peace-building.
As an indication of its development and progress, it has received accreditation from the National Accreditation Board as a tertiary institution. This has paved the way for the centre to run graduate programmes, including Master of Arts in Conflict, Peace and Security; Postgraduate Diploma in Development Diplomacy and Post-Certificate in Integrated Peace Support Operations.
The idea is to deliver peace and security training at an academically upgraded level, while at the same time providing an avenue for generating sustainable funds for the centre.
The centre has also established partnerships with some renowned international bodies and educational institutions, including the University of Pretoria in South Africa, the Fourah Bay College, the University of Sierra Leone, the United Nations Office of Internal Oversight Services and the World Economic Forum’s Global Agenda Council on Conflict Prevention.
The KAIPTC’s journey this far would not have been possible without support from various international development partners, both governmental and non-governmental, from the US, Germany and the UK.
Tuesday, April 12, 2011
NDC bleeding slowly internally
By Kofi Akordor
Whenever there is a cut on the body, blood oozes out to signal that there is damage that needs to be repaired. It is not always that we see blood where the body suffers an injury. There is something called internal bleeding and health professionals will tell you that it is very dangerous, since you are not likely detect any danger until it is too late.
I lost a colleague who suffered that fate. He had been involved in a motor accident and since there had been no wounds on the body, it was assumed that the injuries were minor and so he did not go for a thorough medical check-up. Two weeks later, the man was dead. He had woken up in the morning and prepared to go for a review of a broken limb which had been put in plaster of Paris (POP) when he collapsed.
Apparently, he had had a cruel knock on the head in the accident and suffered internal bleeding. Who knows, my friend would be alive by now if the damage had been detected through scan or something else.
Such is internal bleeding.
I do not think only the human body suffers internal bleeding, at least from the figurative sense. And I want to think that one organisation or institution which is suffering from what can be described as internal bleeding is the National Democratic Congress (NDC), the party that forms the present government led by President John Evans Atta Mills.
The NDC has gone that lane before and so apart from the fresh disciples, those who have been with the party for a long time know what I am referring to. The NDC has two serious ailments which keep recurring, with severe consequences. These are its inability to manage internal dissent and excessive hero-worshipping.
The party suffered its first major political defeat in 2000 mainly on account of these twin ailments. That does not take away credit from the New Patriotic Party (NPP) which went into the 2000 electoral battle fully prepared and well organised. But it confronted an opponent that was bleeding from self-inflicted wounds.
So at a time when the NDC needed its human and material resources most, it suffered a split and went into an election battling itself. It started in 1998 when the Founder and Leader, Jerry John Rawlings, breached party protocol and declared Professor Mills his chosen successor. That anointing episode became known as the Swedru Declaration.
As a man who brooked no challenge, Rawlings’s declaration blocked all appeals for a democratic means of choosing his successor and voices of dissent were actually silenced in a ruthless manner to compel some party members, especially a good chunk of youthful activists, led by Goosie Tandoh, to break away.
The wounds deepened and bled profusely when the leader and founder played a significant role in the choice of parliamentary candidates. The death blow came when Dr Obed Yao Asamoah, who had his eyes glued to the running mate slot, was swerved in the last minute and replaced by Mr Martin Amidu, Obed’s deputy at the Ministry of Justice. Not even the huge popularity of President Rawlings, who was exiting after two terms, could save the NDC in the 2000 elections.
No lessons were learnt, as later events proved. In 2002, at the International Trade Fair Centre at La, the party went into battle against itself again. That time, it was over the election of national officers. The founder and leader came out strongly against Dr Asamoah, one of the contestants for the chairmanship.
The contest became so acrimonious that by the end of it the NDC was so battered and bruised that unity was the last thing anyone would expect from disgruntled members.
The fragmentation continued. In 2003, the party went to congress at the University of Ghana to elect a flag bearer for the 2004 presidential election. The congress venue became a hostile turf for supporters of Dr Kwesi Botchway, the man who was contesting Prof Mills. It was more like a battle between two opposing forces than a party event to pick a presidential candidate to represent the party. There were even allegations of ball-squeezing at the congress to put more fear into those who dared to challenge the founder’s choice.
Things went so bad that by the time the party geared up for the presidential and parliamentary elections in 2004, the presidential candidate and the party chairman could not be seen on the same campaign platform.
The infamous Koforidua Congress to elect national officers for the party left deep scars which time has not been able to heal. That time the injuries went from bruises to gaping wounds. The formation of the Democratic Freedom Party (DFP) by Dr Asamoah, who lost his position as party chairman, was one of the fallout from that congress.
The Koforidua Congress and the experience gained from it informed the party leadership to prescribe a format for the election of a flag bearer for the 2008 presidential election which seemed to have worked and brought the NDC back to power.
In the past, all the battles were engineered and led by Rawlings in favour of Prof Mills, the man he had chosen against party wishes and who, he made sure, faced no obstacles on his path.
Today, Rawlings is preparing for another battle. Incidentally, by an irony of fate, the gun has been turned on Prof Mills, the man Rawlings claims has betrayed him and the party he founded. From day one when the man entered office as President of the Republic, he has had no peace and, for the first time since we entered the Fourth Republic, an incumbent President is to face challenge from his own party for nomination to contest a second time.
There is nothing wrong with that if some people think the ship of state is not being steered out of troubled waters and want a change of captain. After all, democracy is about choices. But the bitter and foul language being used by the game players and the ill-effects they are bound to leave behind make it necessary for some of us to appeal for moderation.
We can learn something from Mrs Hillary Clinton and President Barack Obama. They fought one of the fiercest battles for nomination as the presidential candidate of the Democratic Party. But when it ended, they are still working together.
Mrs Clinton has not given any indication that she is going to challenge President Obama, who has declared his intention for a second term. Who knows — Mrs Clinton may be waiting for the end of Obama’s era before restaging her ambition for the presidency, apparently in reverence for the man who made her Secretary of State.
The NDC leadership is not unaware of the damage internal bleeding can cause to its fortunes and must, therefore, play it cool to avoid another electoral fiasco in 2012.
It is the prayer of many Ghanaians, I hope, that after July 10, 2011, things will return to normalcy in the NDC and President Mills will have the needed concentration to complete his term on a sound note for the sake of the millions of Ghanaians who want to see positive changes in their lives.
fokofi@yahoo.co.uk
kofiakordor.blogspot.com
Whenever there is a cut on the body, blood oozes out to signal that there is damage that needs to be repaired. It is not always that we see blood where the body suffers an injury. There is something called internal bleeding and health professionals will tell you that it is very dangerous, since you are not likely detect any danger until it is too late.
I lost a colleague who suffered that fate. He had been involved in a motor accident and since there had been no wounds on the body, it was assumed that the injuries were minor and so he did not go for a thorough medical check-up. Two weeks later, the man was dead. He had woken up in the morning and prepared to go for a review of a broken limb which had been put in plaster of Paris (POP) when he collapsed.
Apparently, he had had a cruel knock on the head in the accident and suffered internal bleeding. Who knows, my friend would be alive by now if the damage had been detected through scan or something else.
Such is internal bleeding.
I do not think only the human body suffers internal bleeding, at least from the figurative sense. And I want to think that one organisation or institution which is suffering from what can be described as internal bleeding is the National Democratic Congress (NDC), the party that forms the present government led by President John Evans Atta Mills.
The NDC has gone that lane before and so apart from the fresh disciples, those who have been with the party for a long time know what I am referring to. The NDC has two serious ailments which keep recurring, with severe consequences. These are its inability to manage internal dissent and excessive hero-worshipping.
The party suffered its first major political defeat in 2000 mainly on account of these twin ailments. That does not take away credit from the New Patriotic Party (NPP) which went into the 2000 electoral battle fully prepared and well organised. But it confronted an opponent that was bleeding from self-inflicted wounds.
So at a time when the NDC needed its human and material resources most, it suffered a split and went into an election battling itself. It started in 1998 when the Founder and Leader, Jerry John Rawlings, breached party protocol and declared Professor Mills his chosen successor. That anointing episode became known as the Swedru Declaration.
As a man who brooked no challenge, Rawlings’s declaration blocked all appeals for a democratic means of choosing his successor and voices of dissent were actually silenced in a ruthless manner to compel some party members, especially a good chunk of youthful activists, led by Goosie Tandoh, to break away.
The wounds deepened and bled profusely when the leader and founder played a significant role in the choice of parliamentary candidates. The death blow came when Dr Obed Yao Asamoah, who had his eyes glued to the running mate slot, was swerved in the last minute and replaced by Mr Martin Amidu, Obed’s deputy at the Ministry of Justice. Not even the huge popularity of President Rawlings, who was exiting after two terms, could save the NDC in the 2000 elections.
No lessons were learnt, as later events proved. In 2002, at the International Trade Fair Centre at La, the party went into battle against itself again. That time, it was over the election of national officers. The founder and leader came out strongly against Dr Asamoah, one of the contestants for the chairmanship.
The contest became so acrimonious that by the end of it the NDC was so battered and bruised that unity was the last thing anyone would expect from disgruntled members.
The fragmentation continued. In 2003, the party went to congress at the University of Ghana to elect a flag bearer for the 2004 presidential election. The congress venue became a hostile turf for supporters of Dr Kwesi Botchway, the man who was contesting Prof Mills. It was more like a battle between two opposing forces than a party event to pick a presidential candidate to represent the party. There were even allegations of ball-squeezing at the congress to put more fear into those who dared to challenge the founder’s choice.
Things went so bad that by the time the party geared up for the presidential and parliamentary elections in 2004, the presidential candidate and the party chairman could not be seen on the same campaign platform.
The infamous Koforidua Congress to elect national officers for the party left deep scars which time has not been able to heal. That time the injuries went from bruises to gaping wounds. The formation of the Democratic Freedom Party (DFP) by Dr Asamoah, who lost his position as party chairman, was one of the fallout from that congress.
The Koforidua Congress and the experience gained from it informed the party leadership to prescribe a format for the election of a flag bearer for the 2008 presidential election which seemed to have worked and brought the NDC back to power.
In the past, all the battles were engineered and led by Rawlings in favour of Prof Mills, the man he had chosen against party wishes and who, he made sure, faced no obstacles on his path.
Today, Rawlings is preparing for another battle. Incidentally, by an irony of fate, the gun has been turned on Prof Mills, the man Rawlings claims has betrayed him and the party he founded. From day one when the man entered office as President of the Republic, he has had no peace and, for the first time since we entered the Fourth Republic, an incumbent President is to face challenge from his own party for nomination to contest a second time.
There is nothing wrong with that if some people think the ship of state is not being steered out of troubled waters and want a change of captain. After all, democracy is about choices. But the bitter and foul language being used by the game players and the ill-effects they are bound to leave behind make it necessary for some of us to appeal for moderation.
We can learn something from Mrs Hillary Clinton and President Barack Obama. They fought one of the fiercest battles for nomination as the presidential candidate of the Democratic Party. But when it ended, they are still working together.
Mrs Clinton has not given any indication that she is going to challenge President Obama, who has declared his intention for a second term. Who knows — Mrs Clinton may be waiting for the end of Obama’s era before restaging her ambition for the presidency, apparently in reverence for the man who made her Secretary of State.
The NDC leadership is not unaware of the damage internal bleeding can cause to its fortunes and must, therefore, play it cool to avoid another electoral fiasco in 2012.
It is the prayer of many Ghanaians, I hope, that after July 10, 2011, things will return to normalcy in the NDC and President Mills will have the needed concentration to complete his term on a sound note for the sake of the millions of Ghanaians who want to see positive changes in their lives.
fokofi@yahoo.co.uk
kofiakordor.blogspot.com
Tuesday, April 5, 2011
Back to Okada debate
By Kofi Akordor
A friend once narrated a traumatic experience he had in one of those terrible traffic jams ravaging Accra. He was being driven to the Kotoka International Airport to catch a flight when he got caught in heavy traffic.
At one stage, he became desperate, as his mind was in turmoil. He knew that unless something miraculous happened, he was definitely going to miss his flight. Then it happened. A motor rider was passing by and without knowing why, he signalled him to stop. The rider obliged and my friend pleaded with him that he was on his way to the airport but, as things stood, he would need his assistance if he was to get to the airport in time to board his flight. The rider did not hesitate and so my friend bid his driver farewell and joined the rider with his suitcase at the back.
If there is anything such as divine intervention, that was one. My friend got to the airport on time to go through departure formalities. The motor rider even politely rejected the monetary ‘thank you’ my friend had offered him but gave my friend his phone number so that they could stay in touch.
In today’s scheme of things, that kind rider would have qualified as an Okada operator and possibly face prosecution for undertaking an illegal operation.
I cannot tell how the Okada business started. Maybe it began on a very low key with a few motorbike owners who wisely thought they could make a living out of the madness on the streets of Accra called traffic jams by ferrying desperate commuters through the jam to their destinations.
And who says the market is not saturated with willing passengers like my friend who can see their business opportunities slipping away as they get trapped in heavy traffic at Mallam, on the Spintex Road or Abeka-Lapaz.
That is how Okada operations has become part of our transportation system.
But, no matter the good purpose Okada serves, it is illegal. The law is quite explicit on that. Section 128, Part IV of the Road Traffic Regulations prevents the use of motorcycles for commercial purposes. The regulations also make the ownership and patronage of commercial motorcycles or tricycles for commercial purposes illegal. As a result, Okada operators occasionally suffer arrest and court fines upon conviction.
On Tuesday, February 1, 2011, the Okada operators decided to make a case for their business and to seek legal recognition. They, therefore, rode in convoy, about 300 of them, to present a petition to Parliament.
The operators, who parade under the umbrella of the Ghana Private Motorbike Operators Union, wanted legal recognition so that they could operate freely without arrest. They made a strong case for recognition because, apart from finding employment for themselves, the Okada system was also serving the travelling public to avoid heavy traffic or go to areas vehicles could not go.
The reception at Parliament House was cordial, as the Majority Leader, Mr Cletus Avoka, and the Deputy Minority Leader, Mr Ambrose Dery, gave the Okada leadership a good hearing and promised to push their petition to the appropriate quarters for consideration. They also praised them for the orderly manner in which they had organised themselves to the House.
However, the response of some members of the public was not positive for Okada operations. Some perceived Okada operators to be mostly criminals who snatch bags. Others also claimed that the Okada business, if legalised, would add to the chaos on the streets. Some, for environmental purposes, kicked against the Okada business because the bikes would pollute the atmosphere with their fumes.
These are all legitimate concerns. But can we say Okada has no positive sides? In the first place, who says everyone on a motorbike is a criminal? Don’t we have criminals driving some of the most expensive vehicles in town? If we take the case of the fumes, can we say that motorbikes emit more carbon monoxide than the jalopies we are compelled by scarce resources to allow into the country and which are polluting the atmosphere with dark smoke?
For a developing country confronted by many challenges, the best we can do is to look at the positive side of things. Secondly, the best way to manage a situation is to recognise its existence and the good things it can offer. Then we can be in a position to streamline its operations.
It is a fact that many Ghanaians patronise the services of Okada operators, not only in Accra and the big towns but also in the rural areas where roads are very bad or non-existent. We also know that Accra’s traffic problem is partly due to the large number of vehicles on our limited roads. So if there is a way we can reduce reliance on vehicles for intra-city movement, that opportunity must be exploited.
Remaining glued to the past, without relating to current trends and exigencies, will only lead to sabotaging our forward march. The law against the use of motorbikes for commercial purposes was made by man for man. At the time of making that law, it made sense because we had a smaller population, public transportation was not much of a problem and only a few vehicles were on the roads.
Today, the reality is that we have a bigger population and more vehicles are on the same few roads and so very often people get to their appointments very late or never make it. If we are not in the position to build vast flyovers in the city to reduce traffic, we can use our ingenuity to find other ways to solve an endemic problem.
So, as stated earlier, the law was made by man for man and, therefore, the law can be changed by man for the convenience of man. It should be possible to amend the law so that motorbikes that want to operate commercially will have special registration plates and insured appropriately. It should also be possible to organise Okada operators under a recognised body, just as the GPRTU is for commercial vehicles. To further protect patrons, other precautionary measures, such as special uniforms and personal identity tags, will be required of the riders.
As for criminalising Okada operations, the earlier that notion is discarded, the better. There are criminals among taxi drivers who rob their passengers; there are criminals who wear three-piece suits and drive expensive cars; there are criminals in our offices, in our communities. In fact, there are criminals everywhere and it should not be strange to find a few criminals in the Okada business.
But, surely, there are those in the majority who are committed to their job and are saving many on a daily basis the heartache of getting stuck in heavy traffic for hours.
It is for us, as a nation, to accept Okada as part of our transportation system and define the rules that will govern its operation. That is thinking positively.
It is, therefore, reassuring that Alhaji Collins Dauda, the Minister of Transport, has stated that the subject is not closed and that his ministry will consult various stakeholders to discuss the issue. I hope at the end of the day the positive things about Okada will see more light than the negatives to pave the way for legalising it.
fokofi@yahoo.co.uk
kofiakordor.blogspot
A friend once narrated a traumatic experience he had in one of those terrible traffic jams ravaging Accra. He was being driven to the Kotoka International Airport to catch a flight when he got caught in heavy traffic.
At one stage, he became desperate, as his mind was in turmoil. He knew that unless something miraculous happened, he was definitely going to miss his flight. Then it happened. A motor rider was passing by and without knowing why, he signalled him to stop. The rider obliged and my friend pleaded with him that he was on his way to the airport but, as things stood, he would need his assistance if he was to get to the airport in time to board his flight. The rider did not hesitate and so my friend bid his driver farewell and joined the rider with his suitcase at the back.
If there is anything such as divine intervention, that was one. My friend got to the airport on time to go through departure formalities. The motor rider even politely rejected the monetary ‘thank you’ my friend had offered him but gave my friend his phone number so that they could stay in touch.
In today’s scheme of things, that kind rider would have qualified as an Okada operator and possibly face prosecution for undertaking an illegal operation.
I cannot tell how the Okada business started. Maybe it began on a very low key with a few motorbike owners who wisely thought they could make a living out of the madness on the streets of Accra called traffic jams by ferrying desperate commuters through the jam to their destinations.
And who says the market is not saturated with willing passengers like my friend who can see their business opportunities slipping away as they get trapped in heavy traffic at Mallam, on the Spintex Road or Abeka-Lapaz.
That is how Okada operations has become part of our transportation system.
But, no matter the good purpose Okada serves, it is illegal. The law is quite explicit on that. Section 128, Part IV of the Road Traffic Regulations prevents the use of motorcycles for commercial purposes. The regulations also make the ownership and patronage of commercial motorcycles or tricycles for commercial purposes illegal. As a result, Okada operators occasionally suffer arrest and court fines upon conviction.
On Tuesday, February 1, 2011, the Okada operators decided to make a case for their business and to seek legal recognition. They, therefore, rode in convoy, about 300 of them, to present a petition to Parliament.
The operators, who parade under the umbrella of the Ghana Private Motorbike Operators Union, wanted legal recognition so that they could operate freely without arrest. They made a strong case for recognition because, apart from finding employment for themselves, the Okada system was also serving the travelling public to avoid heavy traffic or go to areas vehicles could not go.
The reception at Parliament House was cordial, as the Majority Leader, Mr Cletus Avoka, and the Deputy Minority Leader, Mr Ambrose Dery, gave the Okada leadership a good hearing and promised to push their petition to the appropriate quarters for consideration. They also praised them for the orderly manner in which they had organised themselves to the House.
However, the response of some members of the public was not positive for Okada operations. Some perceived Okada operators to be mostly criminals who snatch bags. Others also claimed that the Okada business, if legalised, would add to the chaos on the streets. Some, for environmental purposes, kicked against the Okada business because the bikes would pollute the atmosphere with their fumes.
These are all legitimate concerns. But can we say Okada has no positive sides? In the first place, who says everyone on a motorbike is a criminal? Don’t we have criminals driving some of the most expensive vehicles in town? If we take the case of the fumes, can we say that motorbikes emit more carbon monoxide than the jalopies we are compelled by scarce resources to allow into the country and which are polluting the atmosphere with dark smoke?
For a developing country confronted by many challenges, the best we can do is to look at the positive side of things. Secondly, the best way to manage a situation is to recognise its existence and the good things it can offer. Then we can be in a position to streamline its operations.
It is a fact that many Ghanaians patronise the services of Okada operators, not only in Accra and the big towns but also in the rural areas where roads are very bad or non-existent. We also know that Accra’s traffic problem is partly due to the large number of vehicles on our limited roads. So if there is a way we can reduce reliance on vehicles for intra-city movement, that opportunity must be exploited.
Remaining glued to the past, without relating to current trends and exigencies, will only lead to sabotaging our forward march. The law against the use of motorbikes for commercial purposes was made by man for man. At the time of making that law, it made sense because we had a smaller population, public transportation was not much of a problem and only a few vehicles were on the roads.
Today, the reality is that we have a bigger population and more vehicles are on the same few roads and so very often people get to their appointments very late or never make it. If we are not in the position to build vast flyovers in the city to reduce traffic, we can use our ingenuity to find other ways to solve an endemic problem.
So, as stated earlier, the law was made by man for man and, therefore, the law can be changed by man for the convenience of man. It should be possible to amend the law so that motorbikes that want to operate commercially will have special registration plates and insured appropriately. It should also be possible to organise Okada operators under a recognised body, just as the GPRTU is for commercial vehicles. To further protect patrons, other precautionary measures, such as special uniforms and personal identity tags, will be required of the riders.
As for criminalising Okada operations, the earlier that notion is discarded, the better. There are criminals among taxi drivers who rob their passengers; there are criminals who wear three-piece suits and drive expensive cars; there are criminals in our offices, in our communities. In fact, there are criminals everywhere and it should not be strange to find a few criminals in the Okada business.
But, surely, there are those in the majority who are committed to their job and are saving many on a daily basis the heartache of getting stuck in heavy traffic for hours.
It is for us, as a nation, to accept Okada as part of our transportation system and define the rules that will govern its operation. That is thinking positively.
It is, therefore, reassuring that Alhaji Collins Dauda, the Minister of Transport, has stated that the subject is not closed and that his ministry will consult various stakeholders to discuss the issue. I hope at the end of the day the positive things about Okada will see more light than the negatives to pave the way for legalising it.
fokofi@yahoo.co.uk
kofiakordor.blogspot
Wednesday, March 30, 2011
US, its war allies at it again
By Kofi Akordor
Their politicians sound like missionaries on a humanitarian mission while the excitement in the voice of their media commentators could not be missed.
The United States of America and its allies in the Western world always find excuse to launch military attacks on less powerful nations when it suits them. They are either fending off communism, defending democracy or fighting terrorism. Whatever the excuse, it offers the opportunity for the US and its European allies to test their latest military weapons while unleashing massive destruction on their hapless victims.
As usual, the powerful Western media is available to justify these military operations while downplaying the atrocities, the destruction and the human suffering these wars bring upon the people on whose behalf those operations were being executed.
As far back as August 6, 1945, the US demonstrated how far it could go to use its massive military power to annihilate and humiliate people when it dropped the first nuclear bomb in human history on Hiroshima, a Japanese city. That operation killed an estimated 80,000 people immediately and the casualty figures rose to between 90,000 and 140,000.
Three days later on August 9, 1945, a second atomic bomb was dropped on Nagasaki, another Japanese city, killing an estimated 40,000 people immediately, with the death toll going up to 74,000 over time.
Almost 65 years after these devastating atrocities, the Japanese people are still carrying reminders of the nuclear holocaust unleashed on them by the US. It was, therefore, not surprising that the recent powerful earthquake which struck Japan and triggered a nuclear meltdown from their nuclear plants brought back traumatic memories of those Hiroshima and Nagasaki days.
The US justified the deployment of nuclear weapons in those days, claiming they wanted to bring the Second World War to a speedy end when many historians will tell you that the war had virtually come to an end but for a few pockets of resistance and, therefore, eliminating over 200,000 people from the surface of the earth in three days was the most monstrous thing for any self-respecting military to do.
Japan had since come out of that annihilation to become an industrial and economic giant, partially with American support, apparently to purge their conscience and mostly due to the hard work and ingenuity of the Japanese.
One of the primary goals for the formation of the United Nations Organisation after the end of World War II (WW2), was to end all hostilities and avoid wars, especially taking into account the massive devastation which characterised that war.
Unfortunately the UN could not end wars, because the principal movers of the global organisation spearheaded by the US had national and regional interests which they were determined to use all means to defend and in some cases foist on others. That brought in the Cold War when the military balance was between the Eastern socialist bloc led by the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) and the Western capitalist bloc led by the US.
All the wars that were fought in the post WW2 era were ideological battles between the West and the East. You can mention the Korean War, the Vietnam War, the wars in the jungles of Laos, Cambodia in south-east Asia and in the Ogaden in the Horn of Africa and forests of Nicaragua, Grenada and Panama and in the mountains of Afghanistan.
Incidentally, the US featured prominently in all these wars either directly or using surrogate forces all in the name of defending democracy or fighting communism.
The bi-polar world did not help Third Countries especially those of Africa, whose leaders took refuge in the ambits of either power depending on the exigencies of the day. That was how many dictators such as Mobutu Sese Seko of former Zaire, now DR Congo, General Gnasingbe Eyadema of Togo and many others were able to survive on the continent.
The Cold War also cut short the rule of some progressive African leaders whose ideological biases did not conform to the wishes of the US and their allies. But be as it may, the world welcomed the collapse of the Soviet Empire which brought down the Berlin Wall and historically brought to an end the Cold War.
Before the world could settle down to reap the benefits of a world without ideological battles, the US, which emerged as the sole superpower, started picking its own targets especially those that escaped its wrath by seeking protection under the Soviet umbrella during the Cold War era.
In 1992, the US attacked Iraq. Even though the official excuse was to free Kuwait from Iraqi invasion, the hidden ambition to annex the oilfields of Iraq and weaken it militarily on the wishes of Israel were well known to those who follow Middle East politics.
The Operation Desert Storm was never conclusive so the US and its allies were lying in wait for the right time.
In 2001, the US found an excuse to invade Afghanistan, when on September 11, 2001, a group of Arab youth surprised the world by blowing the twin towers of the World Trade Centre in New York with hijacked aircraft and attacked important buildings in Washington DC.
The attacks were blamed on the Taliban who were ruling in Afghanistan and the US mobilised international forces to invade Afghanistan to chase the Talibans out of office. The war in Afghanistan is still raging and whether the US took a wise decision or not is still being debated.
In 2003, the US mobilised world opinion against President Hussein Saddam, claiming he had a stockpile of weapons of mass destruction which were dangerous for the safety and security of the world. Against all voices of moderation, President George W. Bush Jnr managed to get Britain, the traditional ally of the US, and other so-called forces to attack Iraq.
The coalition forces managed to topple and kill Saddam, and also succeeded in destroying the infrastructure of Iraq and reducing a historical civilisation into rubble. No weapons of mass destruction were found.
Everybody knows Col Muammar Gadaffi has overstayed his welcome as leader of Libya. It is also recognised that it is unfair to attack protesters with military might. But can anybody honestly describe as protesters heavily armed men wielding automatic weapons and anti-aircraft missile launchers who are ready to confront the regular army of Libya when peaceful revolutions had taken place in Tunisia and Egypt a few weeks earlier?
As usual, the US and its allies have once again succeeded in hoodwinking the whole world by claiming they want a UN resolution to impose a No Fly Zone over Libyan airspace. They got Resolution 1973 and the rest is another history unfolding.
Those who fought for UN Security Council Resolution 1973 claimed they wanted to protect innocent Libyans from the military attacks of Gaddafi’s army. But who are they protecting now, having unleashed their military might on Libya, destroying everything in sight including oil installations and human settlements?
What would have been the response of the United Kingdom, if some benevolent force were to rally to the protection of the Irish Republican Army which for many years battled the British Armed Forces? What about the Red Brigades of Italy, do they not deserve to be heard? Or the Basque Separatists of Spain. Is their demand for autonomy not a genuine cause which deserves global support?
So why should Libya be destroyed because some of her citizens are justifiably demanding political reforms? How many of those who demonstrated in Tunisia and Egypt used AK-47s, machine guns and anti-aircraft weapons? Only the US, Britain, France, Italy and their allies could tell.
Where next will the war allies move is a wild guess, but the Libyan people and the countries of the Arab League will be making a serious mistake if they think their cause is the prime motive for the calamity befalling Libya from the US and its coalition partners.
If they are still in doubt they should find out why UN Security Resolution 242 passed as far back as 1967, ordering Israel to vacate all Arab lands occupied during the war of that year cannot still be enforced.
The UN, rather than protecting the world against unnecessary aggression and making it a better place for all, has become a tool in the hands of the US and its allies to use as and when they find it convenient to hold the rest of the world to ransom.
fokofi@yahoo.co.uk
kofiakordor.blogspot.com
Their politicians sound like missionaries on a humanitarian mission while the excitement in the voice of their media commentators could not be missed.
The United States of America and its allies in the Western world always find excuse to launch military attacks on less powerful nations when it suits them. They are either fending off communism, defending democracy or fighting terrorism. Whatever the excuse, it offers the opportunity for the US and its European allies to test their latest military weapons while unleashing massive destruction on their hapless victims.
As usual, the powerful Western media is available to justify these military operations while downplaying the atrocities, the destruction and the human suffering these wars bring upon the people on whose behalf those operations were being executed.
As far back as August 6, 1945, the US demonstrated how far it could go to use its massive military power to annihilate and humiliate people when it dropped the first nuclear bomb in human history on Hiroshima, a Japanese city. That operation killed an estimated 80,000 people immediately and the casualty figures rose to between 90,000 and 140,000.
Three days later on August 9, 1945, a second atomic bomb was dropped on Nagasaki, another Japanese city, killing an estimated 40,000 people immediately, with the death toll going up to 74,000 over time.
Almost 65 years after these devastating atrocities, the Japanese people are still carrying reminders of the nuclear holocaust unleashed on them by the US. It was, therefore, not surprising that the recent powerful earthquake which struck Japan and triggered a nuclear meltdown from their nuclear plants brought back traumatic memories of those Hiroshima and Nagasaki days.
The US justified the deployment of nuclear weapons in those days, claiming they wanted to bring the Second World War to a speedy end when many historians will tell you that the war had virtually come to an end but for a few pockets of resistance and, therefore, eliminating over 200,000 people from the surface of the earth in three days was the most monstrous thing for any self-respecting military to do.
Japan had since come out of that annihilation to become an industrial and economic giant, partially with American support, apparently to purge their conscience and mostly due to the hard work and ingenuity of the Japanese.
One of the primary goals for the formation of the United Nations Organisation after the end of World War II (WW2), was to end all hostilities and avoid wars, especially taking into account the massive devastation which characterised that war.
Unfortunately the UN could not end wars, because the principal movers of the global organisation spearheaded by the US had national and regional interests which they were determined to use all means to defend and in some cases foist on others. That brought in the Cold War when the military balance was between the Eastern socialist bloc led by the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) and the Western capitalist bloc led by the US.
All the wars that were fought in the post WW2 era were ideological battles between the West and the East. You can mention the Korean War, the Vietnam War, the wars in the jungles of Laos, Cambodia in south-east Asia and in the Ogaden in the Horn of Africa and forests of Nicaragua, Grenada and Panama and in the mountains of Afghanistan.
Incidentally, the US featured prominently in all these wars either directly or using surrogate forces all in the name of defending democracy or fighting communism.
The bi-polar world did not help Third Countries especially those of Africa, whose leaders took refuge in the ambits of either power depending on the exigencies of the day. That was how many dictators such as Mobutu Sese Seko of former Zaire, now DR Congo, General Gnasingbe Eyadema of Togo and many others were able to survive on the continent.
The Cold War also cut short the rule of some progressive African leaders whose ideological biases did not conform to the wishes of the US and their allies. But be as it may, the world welcomed the collapse of the Soviet Empire which brought down the Berlin Wall and historically brought to an end the Cold War.
Before the world could settle down to reap the benefits of a world without ideological battles, the US, which emerged as the sole superpower, started picking its own targets especially those that escaped its wrath by seeking protection under the Soviet umbrella during the Cold War era.
In 1992, the US attacked Iraq. Even though the official excuse was to free Kuwait from Iraqi invasion, the hidden ambition to annex the oilfields of Iraq and weaken it militarily on the wishes of Israel were well known to those who follow Middle East politics.
The Operation Desert Storm was never conclusive so the US and its allies were lying in wait for the right time.
In 2001, the US found an excuse to invade Afghanistan, when on September 11, 2001, a group of Arab youth surprised the world by blowing the twin towers of the World Trade Centre in New York with hijacked aircraft and attacked important buildings in Washington DC.
The attacks were blamed on the Taliban who were ruling in Afghanistan and the US mobilised international forces to invade Afghanistan to chase the Talibans out of office. The war in Afghanistan is still raging and whether the US took a wise decision or not is still being debated.
In 2003, the US mobilised world opinion against President Hussein Saddam, claiming he had a stockpile of weapons of mass destruction which were dangerous for the safety and security of the world. Against all voices of moderation, President George W. Bush Jnr managed to get Britain, the traditional ally of the US, and other so-called forces to attack Iraq.
The coalition forces managed to topple and kill Saddam, and also succeeded in destroying the infrastructure of Iraq and reducing a historical civilisation into rubble. No weapons of mass destruction were found.
Everybody knows Col Muammar Gadaffi has overstayed his welcome as leader of Libya. It is also recognised that it is unfair to attack protesters with military might. But can anybody honestly describe as protesters heavily armed men wielding automatic weapons and anti-aircraft missile launchers who are ready to confront the regular army of Libya when peaceful revolutions had taken place in Tunisia and Egypt a few weeks earlier?
As usual, the US and its allies have once again succeeded in hoodwinking the whole world by claiming they want a UN resolution to impose a No Fly Zone over Libyan airspace. They got Resolution 1973 and the rest is another history unfolding.
Those who fought for UN Security Council Resolution 1973 claimed they wanted to protect innocent Libyans from the military attacks of Gaddafi’s army. But who are they protecting now, having unleashed their military might on Libya, destroying everything in sight including oil installations and human settlements?
What would have been the response of the United Kingdom, if some benevolent force were to rally to the protection of the Irish Republican Army which for many years battled the British Armed Forces? What about the Red Brigades of Italy, do they not deserve to be heard? Or the Basque Separatists of Spain. Is their demand for autonomy not a genuine cause which deserves global support?
So why should Libya be destroyed because some of her citizens are justifiably demanding political reforms? How many of those who demonstrated in Tunisia and Egypt used AK-47s, machine guns and anti-aircraft weapons? Only the US, Britain, France, Italy and their allies could tell.
Where next will the war allies move is a wild guess, but the Libyan people and the countries of the Arab League will be making a serious mistake if they think their cause is the prime motive for the calamity befalling Libya from the US and its coalition partners.
If they are still in doubt they should find out why UN Security Resolution 242 passed as far back as 1967, ordering Israel to vacate all Arab lands occupied during the war of that year cannot still be enforced.
The UN, rather than protecting the world against unnecessary aggression and making it a better place for all, has become a tool in the hands of the US and its allies to use as and when they find it convenient to hold the rest of the world to ransom.
fokofi@yahoo.co.uk
kofiakordor.blogspot.com
Tuesday, March 22, 2011
Lessons from Cuba
By Kofi Akordor
THE Cuban experience is a well-known story. Cuba is a small island in the Caribbean. Latest estimates show that it has a population of 11 million. In terms of land mass, Cuba is smaller than Ghana, with a size of 110,860sq.km, as against Ghana’s 238,500sq.km.
Cuba’s modern history began in 1959 when Fidel Castro and his 26th of July Movement removed Fulgencio Batista from office in what has become the Cuban Revolution. The revolution witnessed the expropriation of private property with little or no compensation, the naturalisation of public utilities and the closing down of the Mafia-controlled gambling industry.
That development met with stiff resistance from the US, its powerful northern neighbour, resulting in the imposition of trade and diplomatic embargo by the US on Cuba in 1963. The US also launched several covert operations through its Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) to topple the regime without success. Cuba has survived till today.
Cuba has not only survived after decades of isolation by the US and its Western allies but also chalked up tremendous successes which even its opponents admit are mind-boggling and worthy of commendation and emulation.
Our Vice President, Mr John Dramani Mahama, who last week was the guest of the Cuban government, could not but proclaim that the US blockade notwithstanding, Cuba had made tremendous progress in several fields, especially medicine, that Africa could learn from in moving forward.
Cuba has attained a literacy rate of 99.8 per cent and its infant mortality rate (6.1 per 1,000 births) is lower than that most of developed countries, including the US, whose rate is 6.8/1,000 births.
Cuba’s average life expectancy rate is 78.3, third to Canada and Chile in the Americas, while its doctor/patient ratio is the highest in the world. In fact, Cuba has thousands of doctors serving in over 40 countries worldwide, including Ghana, where Cuban doctors and other health professionals have been rendering services in some of the remotest parts of the country.
Cuba is not an oil-exporting country and derives most of its revenue from the sugar industry, mining and tourism, including medical tourism which brings cash from the export of medical professionals to Europe, Latin America, Canada and America.
Notwithstanding hostility from the US, Cuba had been a friend of Africa’s fight against colonialism and imperialism. Cuban soldiers have fought in the same trenches alongside their African brothers in Angola, Mozambique, Ethiopia and elsewhere in the wars of independence and liberation.
Cuba’s case may not be all rosy, especially after the collapse of the Soviet Union when support from the then Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) dried up while the US commercial blockade was still on.
But the Cuban spirit is still worthy of emulation by African countries if they hope to one day be their own masters.
Vice President Mahama did not mince words when he told African envoys in Havana that in order to turn around Africa’s challenges into success stories like Cuba’s, “Africa must stand as a continent that represents itself; we must break down the regulations that tie us to our colonial masters”.
He went on, “Until we break the barriers, all the protocols that we have signed, such as the free movement of persons, will not work.”
We in Ghana particularly have to take a cue from Cuba that nothing comes easy and that it takes a lot of determination to separate one from freedom and bondage. Apart from the Cuban medical brigade consisting of more than 200 health personnel currently in the country, the Cuban government has offered to assist Ghana to train 250 specialist doctors to beef up the resource capacity of the Ghana Health Service (GHS).
These specialist doctors will train our doctors in areas such as anaesthetics, clinical pathology and haematology, internal medicine, general surgery, morbid anatomy and paediatrics and most of these doctors will be deployed in health facilities in most of the deprived areas which most of our doctors see as no-go areas.
In addition to this, Cuba has extended a US$74 million facility to Ghana to enhance the national effort at fighting malaria. The money is to be used to pay for the chemicals that will be used for the anti-malaria project, the technical personnel who will be deployed from Cuba and their Ghanaian counterparts.
As could be seen, the Cuban offer is not free of charge. Already, Cuba is demanding that Ghana should be responsible for the payment and upkeep of the specialist doctors who will be posted to the country.
The question is, for how long are we going to rely on Cuban doctors? Can we learn from Cuba how it has been able to train so many doctors for export and do the same here, instead of continuing to rely on that country’s largesse which will not last forever?
Since the Vice President himself has seen the wisdom in breaking the bonds of colonialism and dependency as the surest way of moving forward, shall we, for once, pledge to ourselves that in the next 10 years or so we shall end the importation of Cuban doctors into the country?
I believe if we end spending money frivolously in certain areas and protect our national revenue more than we are doing now, we should be able to provide for our needs. The difference between Ghana and Cuba is not about the availability of resources, as a cursory glance at the natural resources of the two countries will show that Ghana is far ahead. The difference lies in focus, management and setting a strong national agenda that must be pursued with all vigorousness and seriousness.
If yesterday we saw our salvation in the advanced Western countries and today, after many years of self-rule, we see salvation in countries we share trenches with in the developing world, then we must admit that there is something fundamentally wrong with us and the earlier we recover ourselves, the better.
fokofi@yahoo.co.uk
kofiakordor.blogspot.com
THE Cuban experience is a well-known story. Cuba is a small island in the Caribbean. Latest estimates show that it has a population of 11 million. In terms of land mass, Cuba is smaller than Ghana, with a size of 110,860sq.km, as against Ghana’s 238,500sq.km.
Cuba’s modern history began in 1959 when Fidel Castro and his 26th of July Movement removed Fulgencio Batista from office in what has become the Cuban Revolution. The revolution witnessed the expropriation of private property with little or no compensation, the naturalisation of public utilities and the closing down of the Mafia-controlled gambling industry.
That development met with stiff resistance from the US, its powerful northern neighbour, resulting in the imposition of trade and diplomatic embargo by the US on Cuba in 1963. The US also launched several covert operations through its Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) to topple the regime without success. Cuba has survived till today.
Cuba has not only survived after decades of isolation by the US and its Western allies but also chalked up tremendous successes which even its opponents admit are mind-boggling and worthy of commendation and emulation.
Our Vice President, Mr John Dramani Mahama, who last week was the guest of the Cuban government, could not but proclaim that the US blockade notwithstanding, Cuba had made tremendous progress in several fields, especially medicine, that Africa could learn from in moving forward.
Cuba has attained a literacy rate of 99.8 per cent and its infant mortality rate (6.1 per 1,000 births) is lower than that most of developed countries, including the US, whose rate is 6.8/1,000 births.
Cuba’s average life expectancy rate is 78.3, third to Canada and Chile in the Americas, while its doctor/patient ratio is the highest in the world. In fact, Cuba has thousands of doctors serving in over 40 countries worldwide, including Ghana, where Cuban doctors and other health professionals have been rendering services in some of the remotest parts of the country.
Cuba is not an oil-exporting country and derives most of its revenue from the sugar industry, mining and tourism, including medical tourism which brings cash from the export of medical professionals to Europe, Latin America, Canada and America.
Notwithstanding hostility from the US, Cuba had been a friend of Africa’s fight against colonialism and imperialism. Cuban soldiers have fought in the same trenches alongside their African brothers in Angola, Mozambique, Ethiopia and elsewhere in the wars of independence and liberation.
Cuba’s case may not be all rosy, especially after the collapse of the Soviet Union when support from the then Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) dried up while the US commercial blockade was still on.
But the Cuban spirit is still worthy of emulation by African countries if they hope to one day be their own masters.
Vice President Mahama did not mince words when he told African envoys in Havana that in order to turn around Africa’s challenges into success stories like Cuba’s, “Africa must stand as a continent that represents itself; we must break down the regulations that tie us to our colonial masters”.
He went on, “Until we break the barriers, all the protocols that we have signed, such as the free movement of persons, will not work.”
We in Ghana particularly have to take a cue from Cuba that nothing comes easy and that it takes a lot of determination to separate one from freedom and bondage. Apart from the Cuban medical brigade consisting of more than 200 health personnel currently in the country, the Cuban government has offered to assist Ghana to train 250 specialist doctors to beef up the resource capacity of the Ghana Health Service (GHS).
These specialist doctors will train our doctors in areas such as anaesthetics, clinical pathology and haematology, internal medicine, general surgery, morbid anatomy and paediatrics and most of these doctors will be deployed in health facilities in most of the deprived areas which most of our doctors see as no-go areas.
In addition to this, Cuba has extended a US$74 million facility to Ghana to enhance the national effort at fighting malaria. The money is to be used to pay for the chemicals that will be used for the anti-malaria project, the technical personnel who will be deployed from Cuba and their Ghanaian counterparts.
As could be seen, the Cuban offer is not free of charge. Already, Cuba is demanding that Ghana should be responsible for the payment and upkeep of the specialist doctors who will be posted to the country.
The question is, for how long are we going to rely on Cuban doctors? Can we learn from Cuba how it has been able to train so many doctors for export and do the same here, instead of continuing to rely on that country’s largesse which will not last forever?
Since the Vice President himself has seen the wisdom in breaking the bonds of colonialism and dependency as the surest way of moving forward, shall we, for once, pledge to ourselves that in the next 10 years or so we shall end the importation of Cuban doctors into the country?
I believe if we end spending money frivolously in certain areas and protect our national revenue more than we are doing now, we should be able to provide for our needs. The difference between Ghana and Cuba is not about the availability of resources, as a cursory glance at the natural resources of the two countries will show that Ghana is far ahead. The difference lies in focus, management and setting a strong national agenda that must be pursued with all vigorousness and seriousness.
If yesterday we saw our salvation in the advanced Western countries and today, after many years of self-rule, we see salvation in countries we share trenches with in the developing world, then we must admit that there is something fundamentally wrong with us and the earlier we recover ourselves, the better.
fokofi@yahoo.co.uk
kofiakordor.blogspot.com
Tuesday, March 15, 2011
Teachers' uprising and other matters
By Kofi Akordor
IT was the end of the month and teachers, like all salaried workers, trooped to the banks to withdraw what will keep body and soul together for the following 30 or so days. That time, their expectations were very high because their salaries were not going to be the usual thing but something they had been promised would keep them smiling all the way from the bank to the classrooms and, obviously, to their homes.
As we all do when a back pay or some windfall is on its way, the teachers drew lavish budgets against the latest flat screen TV sets and all those modern electronic gadgets that have become the envy of most workers whose incomes could only afford them dreaming about those items.
Many were those who were ready to confront their merciless landlords, for once, with some cynical smile as they doled out wads of notes to pay for rent arrears and possibly pay in advance to cover rent for a month or two.
Nobody should blame the teachers. They had been assured by their leadership and spokespersons for the government that things were going to change dramatically in a positive way after they (teachers) had been migrated onto the Single Spine Salary Structure (SSSS).
Then the unexpected happened. What promised to be a happy pay day became a doomsday. Things did not work out the right way. Salaries, instead of seeing major increases, had been slashed, allowances agreed upon did no reflect in the salaries and, where there had been increases, they were so insignificant that to some it was better they stayed where they were before. The budget has been thrown in disarray. All the expectations had evaporated into thin air. Immediately excitement gave way to exasperation, desperation, frustration and total rejection.
Everybody admitted that serious things had gone wrong. The first buck stopped at the doorstep of the Fair Wages and Salaries Commission (FWSC). Mr George Smith-Graham of the FWSC, the Controller and Accountant-General’s Department (CAGD) and the Ghana Education Service (GES), the major employer, quickly downloaded the burden. The leadership of the teachers had been in a rush to join the SSSS and did not allow a test run of the new salaries to allow for the correction of anomalies.
Meanwhile, the leaderships of the various teachers’ groups — the National Association of Graduate Teachers (NAGRAT), which appears to be the most vocal, the Ghana National Association of Teachers (GNAT) and the Teachers and Educational Workers Union (TEWU) — had their own versions for those who cared to listen.
The SSSS, which was conceived with all good intentions, had run into serious trouble at the crucial hour when it mattered most. The implementation had backfired, putting into jeopardy many months of tireless work.
The government, in anticipation of the backlash, put in place a joint technical committee made up of representatives of NAGRAT, GNAT, TEWU, the GES, the FWSC and the CAGD and tucked it away in the serene environment of Dodowa to deliberate on all the anomalies and come out quickly to solve them.
The teachers, however, would not compromise. All appeals to them to return to the classroom fell on deaf ears. They had suffered for far long and the latest was a slap in the face and so they would not take any excuses short of the right thing being done. At one stage, they saw their leaders as traitors who had sold out to the government. Some even threatened to go the Tunisian or Egyptian way and camp at the Independence Square until all anomalies were rectified and allowances paid.
These allowances include: Professional allowance (15%); Risk (30%); Rent (20%); Transport (10%); Clothing (10%); Stationery (15%); Co-curricular (20%); Marking (25%); Research (15%); Preparation of Lesson notes (5%) and Invigilation (5%).
The more the explanations and appeals, the more resilient the teachers became. Apart from a nation-wide demonstration to press home their case, the teachers threatened to disrupt the 54th Independence anniversary by boycotting the event. Thank God, the celebration went on successfully at the Independence Square.
On Friday, March 11, 2011, when their leaders were locked up in serious negotiations with their employers and government representatives, some teachers were still demonstrating and at one stage came under tear gas from the canisters of the police for going beyond bounds.
Thankfully, some kind of agreement has been reached and the parties have found a common ground on which to stand for future negotiations. On Friday, March 11, 2011, the various representatives on both the teachers and the government sides appended their signatures to a document which we hope will send the teachers back to the classrooms.
Those who signed the document included Mr John Nyoagbe, Deputy General Secretary of GNAT; Mr Stanilaus P. Nabome, Deputy General Secretary of NAGRAT; Mr Peter Lumor, National Chairman of TEWU; Dr Kwabena Duffuor, the Minister of Finance; Mrs Betty Mould-Iddrisu, the Minister of Education; Mr Mahama Ayariga, the Deputy Minister of Education; Mr Smith-Graham, the Chief Executive of the FWSC, and Mr E.T. Mensah, the Minister of Employment and Labour who witnessed the day’s agreement.
A major point in the agreement was the introduction of the 15 per cent teachers retention premium which is an incentive package covering all professional teachers and certain categories of non-teaching staff in the GES who are members of TEWU, with the aim of attracting and retaining teachers in the classroom.
The committee also agreed that the joint technical committee should ensure that all errors detected in the February salaries of teachers were corrected and the right salaries paid at the end of March.
The question is, could we have avoided the one week of hostilities and confrontation? The answer is, it was possible. There is this saying that what is worth doing is worth doing well. All the parties should have exercised patience, instead of raising the stakes so high. We have allowed too much politics into the whole exercise of migrating workers onto the SSSS, thereby diverting attention which should have been devoted to the exercise to ensure that the best comes out of it.
The government, on one hand, was too eager to please workers, while the workers. on the other, with their appetites whetted to astronomical levels were in no mood to wait. The result was what we witnessed over the last two weeks.
There are many more workers’ groups to be migrated onto the SSSS. We hope the FWSC and other stakeholders are gaining experience in this exercise and will do due diligence before coming up with its final products to save the nation unnecessary tension.
fokofi@yahoo.co.uk
kofiakordor.blogspot.com
IT was the end of the month and teachers, like all salaried workers, trooped to the banks to withdraw what will keep body and soul together for the following 30 or so days. That time, their expectations were very high because their salaries were not going to be the usual thing but something they had been promised would keep them smiling all the way from the bank to the classrooms and, obviously, to their homes.
As we all do when a back pay or some windfall is on its way, the teachers drew lavish budgets against the latest flat screen TV sets and all those modern electronic gadgets that have become the envy of most workers whose incomes could only afford them dreaming about those items.
Many were those who were ready to confront their merciless landlords, for once, with some cynical smile as they doled out wads of notes to pay for rent arrears and possibly pay in advance to cover rent for a month or two.
Nobody should blame the teachers. They had been assured by their leadership and spokespersons for the government that things were going to change dramatically in a positive way after they (teachers) had been migrated onto the Single Spine Salary Structure (SSSS).
Then the unexpected happened. What promised to be a happy pay day became a doomsday. Things did not work out the right way. Salaries, instead of seeing major increases, had been slashed, allowances agreed upon did no reflect in the salaries and, where there had been increases, they were so insignificant that to some it was better they stayed where they were before. The budget has been thrown in disarray. All the expectations had evaporated into thin air. Immediately excitement gave way to exasperation, desperation, frustration and total rejection.
Everybody admitted that serious things had gone wrong. The first buck stopped at the doorstep of the Fair Wages and Salaries Commission (FWSC). Mr George Smith-Graham of the FWSC, the Controller and Accountant-General’s Department (CAGD) and the Ghana Education Service (GES), the major employer, quickly downloaded the burden. The leadership of the teachers had been in a rush to join the SSSS and did not allow a test run of the new salaries to allow for the correction of anomalies.
Meanwhile, the leaderships of the various teachers’ groups — the National Association of Graduate Teachers (NAGRAT), which appears to be the most vocal, the Ghana National Association of Teachers (GNAT) and the Teachers and Educational Workers Union (TEWU) — had their own versions for those who cared to listen.
The SSSS, which was conceived with all good intentions, had run into serious trouble at the crucial hour when it mattered most. The implementation had backfired, putting into jeopardy many months of tireless work.
The government, in anticipation of the backlash, put in place a joint technical committee made up of representatives of NAGRAT, GNAT, TEWU, the GES, the FWSC and the CAGD and tucked it away in the serene environment of Dodowa to deliberate on all the anomalies and come out quickly to solve them.
The teachers, however, would not compromise. All appeals to them to return to the classroom fell on deaf ears. They had suffered for far long and the latest was a slap in the face and so they would not take any excuses short of the right thing being done. At one stage, they saw their leaders as traitors who had sold out to the government. Some even threatened to go the Tunisian or Egyptian way and camp at the Independence Square until all anomalies were rectified and allowances paid.
These allowances include: Professional allowance (15%); Risk (30%); Rent (20%); Transport (10%); Clothing (10%); Stationery (15%); Co-curricular (20%); Marking (25%); Research (15%); Preparation of Lesson notes (5%) and Invigilation (5%).
The more the explanations and appeals, the more resilient the teachers became. Apart from a nation-wide demonstration to press home their case, the teachers threatened to disrupt the 54th Independence anniversary by boycotting the event. Thank God, the celebration went on successfully at the Independence Square.
On Friday, March 11, 2011, when their leaders were locked up in serious negotiations with their employers and government representatives, some teachers were still demonstrating and at one stage came under tear gas from the canisters of the police for going beyond bounds.
Thankfully, some kind of agreement has been reached and the parties have found a common ground on which to stand for future negotiations. On Friday, March 11, 2011, the various representatives on both the teachers and the government sides appended their signatures to a document which we hope will send the teachers back to the classrooms.
Those who signed the document included Mr John Nyoagbe, Deputy General Secretary of GNAT; Mr Stanilaus P. Nabome, Deputy General Secretary of NAGRAT; Mr Peter Lumor, National Chairman of TEWU; Dr Kwabena Duffuor, the Minister of Finance; Mrs Betty Mould-Iddrisu, the Minister of Education; Mr Mahama Ayariga, the Deputy Minister of Education; Mr Smith-Graham, the Chief Executive of the FWSC, and Mr E.T. Mensah, the Minister of Employment and Labour who witnessed the day’s agreement.
A major point in the agreement was the introduction of the 15 per cent teachers retention premium which is an incentive package covering all professional teachers and certain categories of non-teaching staff in the GES who are members of TEWU, with the aim of attracting and retaining teachers in the classroom.
The committee also agreed that the joint technical committee should ensure that all errors detected in the February salaries of teachers were corrected and the right salaries paid at the end of March.
The question is, could we have avoided the one week of hostilities and confrontation? The answer is, it was possible. There is this saying that what is worth doing is worth doing well. All the parties should have exercised patience, instead of raising the stakes so high. We have allowed too much politics into the whole exercise of migrating workers onto the SSSS, thereby diverting attention which should have been devoted to the exercise to ensure that the best comes out of it.
The government, on one hand, was too eager to please workers, while the workers. on the other, with their appetites whetted to astronomical levels were in no mood to wait. The result was what we witnessed over the last two weeks.
There are many more workers’ groups to be migrated onto the SSSS. We hope the FWSC and other stakeholders are gaining experience in this exercise and will do due diligence before coming up with its final products to save the nation unnecessary tension.
fokofi@yahoo.co.uk
kofiakordor.blogspot.com
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