By Kofi Akordor
On May 25, 1963, in the Ethiopian capital of Addis Ababa, 32 independent African states appended their signatures and adopted the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) Charter which brought into existence that continental body. On Monday, July 2, 2007, 53 African Heads of State will gather in Accra, for another historic event. This time the African leaders would be confronted with a crucial decision which will either bring to fulfillment or buried for ever, the dream of Dr Kwame Nkrumah and other illustrious sons of the continent on the Union of African States.
Branded the “The Grand Debate on the Union Government”, the Accra Conference is going to be a test case for the whole continent during which leaders will demonstrate whether they are prepared to bury national pride and interest in favour of continental unity or remain fragmented and poor for many years to come.
When the OAU was formed in 1963, it had a clear mandate. To rid the continent of the last vestiges of colonialism and apartheid; promote unity and solidarity among African countries; co-ordinate and intensify co-operation for development to safeguard the sovereignty and territorial integrity of member states and to promote international co-operation within the framework of the United Nations.
The idea of continental government at the time did not win favour since arguments were made that the newly-independent nations needed more time to establish strong foundations first.
There is no doubt that the OAU had a lot of limitations which affected its performance and institution of African unity. The obvious included the continent’s colonial past which left her with artificial boundaries which separated people who share common ideals and in some cases brought some people with different cultures together. There was also the North/South divide which pitched the Arabs of the North against the Blacks in sub-Saharan Africa.
Others include outside interference from the big powers which turned the continent into a playground for superpower rivalry especially during the Cold War era and who saw a threat to their political and economic interests in Africa’s unity.
There was also the problem of leadership which is characterized by dishonesty, greed, selfishness, insatiable taste for power, corruption and disregard for democratic values.
The way the OAU was perceived could be found in the words of one its founders, former President Julius Nyerere who described it as a “trade union of African Heads of State”. Because of its principle of non-interference in other member states’ affairs, dictators found a protection for their misrule and atrocities.
In spite of heavy criticisms that the OAU had not done much especially in the areas of economic and social integration, looking backwards, the OAU could be said to have succeeded in providing an effective forum that enabled member states to adopt co-coordinated positions on matters of common concern to the continent.
The Union Dream
It must be stressed that Africa’s position as the poorest, most diseased, most illiterate and most orphaned continent, notwithstanding its rich natural resources means the question cannot be wished away. The African Union dream continued to receive attention and the idea started to gain renewed momentum through several events.
In July, 1999, the Assembly decided to convene an extraordinary session to exploit the process of economic and political integration. This was followed by four significant summits culminating in the launching of the African Union in Durban, South Africa in July, 2002. These are:
The Sirte Extraordinary Session held in 1999 during which African heads decided to establish an African Union;
The Lome Summit in 2000 which adopted the Constitutive Act of the Union;
The Lusaka Summit of 2001 which drew the road map for the implementation of the African Union and the crowning moment came at the Durban Summit in July 2002 when the African Union was launched and the first assembly of Heads of State of the AU convened.
Before these four significant summits, several steps had been taken in the past towards the realization of the African Unity dream. They included;
*The Lagos Plan of Action and the Final Act of Lagos in 1980 which incorporated programmes and strategies for self-reliance and co-operation among African countries;
* The African Charter on Human and People’s Rights (Nairobi 1981) and the Grand Bay Declaration and Plan on Human Rights. This charter led to the establishment of the African Human Rights Commission based in Banjul, The Gambia.
* The treaty establishing the African Economic Community (AEC) in 1991, commonly known as the Abuja Treaty, which seeks to create AEC through six stages culminating in an African Common Market.
* The Cairo Agenda for Action (1995), a programme for relaunching the continent’s political, economic and social development.
* The 2000 Solemn Declaration of the Conference on Security, Stability, Development and Co-operation which establishes the fundamental principles for the promotion of Democracy and Good Governance on the and continent and;
* The New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD) which was adopted as an AU programme at the Lusaka Summit in 2001.
The African Union and its organs
The vision of the AU goes far beyond that of its predecessor – the OAU. With the attainment of political independence, what Africa needs now is socio-economic integration, promotion of continental unity and harmony and building of partnerships between governments and segments of civil society, particularly women, youth and the private sector in order to strengthen stability and cohesion among the peoples of Africa.
The AU is composed of the Assembly which is the supreme organ composed of Heads of State and Government or their accredited representatives. It is also has the Executive Council which is composed of ministers or authorities designated by the governments of member states.
There is a Commission composed of the Chairperson, the Deputy Chairperson, eight Commissioners and staff members. Each Commissioner shall be responsible for a portfolio.
Other organs are the Permanent Representatives’ Committee, the Peace and Security Council, the Pan African Parliament, the Economic Social and Cultural Council (ECOSOC), the Court of Justice, the Specialised Technical Committees and the Financial Institutions which comprise the African Central Bank, the African Monetary Fund and the African Investment Bank.
By some strange coincidence, Accra is the venue for a summit where African leaders are expected to commit themselves to a Union Government of Africa. Every student of African history and the struggle for continental freedom cannot avoid knowledge of the pioneering role Dr Kwame Nkrumah, Ghana’s first President in that regard. Unfortunately, Nkrumah and many others became victims of vile propaganda which succeeded in nipping that idea in the bud. Those were the days when it was being trumpeted that Nkrumah wanted to President of Africa.
Africa cannot afford to remain fragmented. Those who stand to profit from the continent’s state of disunity will surely try to put the spook into the wheel of unity. But there can be no better legacy in memory of Nkrumah and the founding fathers than a strong affirmation for African unity. The Europeans have shown that it could be done and the advantages are too numerous to mention. Africa should not fail itself.
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