When Mr Stanley Nii Adjiri-Blankson came to office as the Metropolitan Chief Executive in 2004, he was full of vigour and bubbled with enthusiasm to tackle Accra’s twin problems of congestion and lawlessness.
True to his word, Nii Adjiri-Blankson embarked on a massive decongesting exercise unprecedented in the history of the national capital.
Suddenly, residents of Accra woke up to realise that motorists could drive through the city centre and do business without spending long hours in traffic jams.
Shop owners also heaved a heavy sigh of relief when they saw that, for once, the pavements in front of their shops were without the hawkers who had virtually brought their businesses to near collapse.
Under normal circumstances, this was a development that should have been cherished, supported and made permanent. Then came the presidential edict — the exercise must be halted and redesigned to give it a human face.
What started as a welcome exercise praised by all, except the pavement and street hawkers who had turned every available space in the central business district into a huge shopping mall, turned into a nightmare and deflated the ego of the then city mayor.
The reason was that there was going to be a by-election at Odododiodoo, the constituency in which the Makola Market and its environs are situated.
The National Democratic Congress (NDC), which was then in opposition, put its propaganda machinery into top gear and whipped up public sentiment against the decongesting exercise.
That was how the government made a hasty retreat and made Nii Adjiri-Blankson to look isolated and embarrassed just trying to do what he had been appointed to do — bring law and order into the business activities in Accra.
Incidentally, the New Patriotic Party (NPP) lost the by-election which was won by Mr Jonathan Nii Tackie Kommey of the NDC and with that an opportunity to bring sanity onto the streets of Accra was lost.
Elsewhere, Nii Adjiri-Blankson should have resigned, having been so humiliated by his own government. But he did what we all do here — remained in office and became a laughing stock of pavement traders who had no respect for the law.
His further attempts at decongestion were feeble and made no impact on the city landscape. The traders even refused to move to the new market built for them at the Kwame Nkrumah Circle because, to them, the place was not suitable for business.
Today, upon reflection, Nii Adjiri-Blankson may be smiling because he is not alone. What happened to him in 2004 has happened to Mr Alfred Vanderpuije, his successor. One of the promises Mr Vanderpuije made even before he was elected into office as the Accra Metropolitan Chief Executive was to bring Accra to international standards.
He made a pledge to rid Accra of unauthorised structures and clear the city’s roads, especially the Central Business District, of hawkers within 100 days of his appointment.
His first attempt was subdued by the Greater Accra Minister, Nii Armah Ashietey, who publicly condemned the move and said it did not have the backing of the regional administration. The regional minister’s declaration did not only undermine the authority of the Accra MCE but also exposed a weakness in the government, whose principal officers seemed to be operating along parallel lines.
Mr Vanderpuije is a determined person so he went into overdrive last week and cleared Makola of pavement traders and led a demolition squad to Kaneshie, Osu and other places to clear them of unauthorised structures. Instead of praise, his efforts were met with scorn and condemnation from members of his own government.
The complaints and lamentations of the displaced traders were expected because they had lost ground, but not the harsh words from government officials, including Nii Afotey-Agbo, the Minister of State at the Presidency.
The last straw came when the President was reported to have halted the exercise. There have since been denials of such an order with conflicting explanations from Presidential Spokesperson Mr Mahama Ayariga and Nii Afotey Agbo, both operating from the Castle, yet contradicting each other.
Mr Vanderpuije will surely feel betrayed, but the most serious thing is that we have in a way given official blessings to lawlessness in Accra for political expediency.
What it means is that any attempt to enforce the city’s bye-laws will encounter resistance from the oddest of places — the Presidency. City authorities are still battling with Sodom and Gomorra, Abuja, Agege, Ecomog and other slums in the city.
They are still trying to solve the problems created by the location of illegal structures on drains, public lands and other places which manifest during heavy rains.
Many projects like the Korle Lagoon Reclamation Project have suffered as a result of illegal structures and activities of squatters. Unfortunately, our brand of politics does not allow our governments to confront these problems head-on and solve them once and for all.
Our politicians, it is becoming clearer by the day, have played prominent roles in the lawlessness that has overtaken Accra. It seems the allure of office has blinded them to the importance of orderliness, which is lacking on the streets of Accra and other towns in the country.
Nii Adjiri-Blankson had his bitter experience in 2004; Mr Vanderpuije’s ordeal has just begun. The earlier we appreciate the fact that a market is a market, while a street remains a street, the better. To allow the former to take over the latter is tantamount to lawlessness and that is where we are today.
What is called the Tetteh-Quarshie Interchange is gradually turning into a giant marketplace as we watch impotently. Tomorrow, any attempt to restore sanity there will be met with resistance from human rights activists and politicians whose only interest is to win votes and not necessarily to make this country a better place than they came to meet it.
We may have satisfied a few traders today, but in effect we have endorsed lawlessness in the capital.
fokofi@yahoo.co.uk
kofiakordor.blogspot.com
Tuesday, December 29, 2009
Tuesday, December 22, 2009
REFLECTIONS OVER A MISSED CHRISTMAS (DECEMBER 22, 2009)
Time can play a lot of tricks on the human mind. It has a way of healing broken hearts and placing hope and even joy in the place which was once filled with pain and bitterness.
Call it the balm that soothes the pain and removes hatred from the memory chip. May be it is God’s own way of allowing time to filter the bad and awful things out of the system.
Of course, time can also sap us of our pleasant memories.
Upon reflection, I am wondering how many Ghanaians could remember the mood of the country around this time last year. We had then concluded a bitter first round of voting which left a stalemate.
The New Patriotic Party (NPP) had lost the parliamentary election narrowly but came slightly on top in the presidential. According to results released by Dr Kwadwo Afari-Gyan, the Electoral Commissioner, on Wednesday, December 10, 2008, Nana Addo Dankwa Akufo-Addo of the NPP had 4,159,439 votes, constituting 49.13 per cent of the valid ballots cast. His closest rival, Professor John Evans Atta Mills of the NDC, had 4,056,634 votes, representing 47.92 per cent of valid ballots.
In the parliamentary, the NPP had 103 seats, the NDC had 113, and the Convention People’s Party (CPP) had one, while four seats were won by independent candidates. Two seats — Asutifi South and Akwatia — were then not decided.
The campaign to December 7, 2008, was very hectic, murky and some places bloody. The two main parties — the NPP and NDC — were at their mudslinging best. Most of the dirty tricks were carried from the rally grounds to the media, which served as the platform for politicians to prove how crude and rude some of them could be. At certain stages, it became difficult to tell the difference between journalists and politicians because they were stalking the same enemy from different flanks.
Midway into the campaign, it became obvious to objective observers and open-minded supporters of the NPP that the NDC, which appeared weak and fragile at the initial stages, was, like a typical old war horse, not going to take defeat lying low.
After the first round, which the ruling NPP then was sure to take under the ‘One-Touch’ slogan, desperation set in and government decisions became erratic. The NDC decided to hammer where blood was oozing most.
In some of those acts of desperation, convicted traffic offenders were hurriedly released because the Attorney-General’s Department claimed they had been convicted under a non-existent law. The ban placed on the importation of textiles through other entry points apart from the Takoradi Port was quickly lifted.
Former President J. A. Kufuor went into frenzy inaugurating uncompleted projects and cutting the sod for the commencement of others especially fishing harbours along the coast of Ghana which, for all intents and purposes, were not captured in the national budget.
While all these could be seen as part of the political game and spoilt nobody’s business, a more intriguing and ominous arsenal was unleashed by the NPP, may be as a last resort. That was the fear theory. It started as claims by certain people that they had received death threats in the form of text messages or phone calls.
Initially, a few names, including those regular commentators on radio and television, came up as those whose lives were under threat. To oil the wheel of political intrigue that had been set in motion, Ghanaians were told that the phone number on which the threats were being issued belonged to former President J.J. Rawlings. It sounded strange and ridiculous, but people were ready to believe it.
The names of those who appeared on what became known as the ‘hit list’ were carefully chosen and multiplied on daily basis and included big names like Pastor Mensa Anamuah Otabil, the General Overseer of the International Central Gospel Church; Archbishop Nicholas Duncan-Williams of the Action Faith Ministries International; Mrs Justice Henrietta Abban, the judge over the Valley Farms case culminating in the conviction and imprisonment of Mr Tsatsu Tsikata, the former Chief Executive Officer of the Ghana National Petroleum Corporation (GNPC); pastors of other religious bodies, ministers in the NPP government, NPP Members of Parliament, nurses, teachers, musicians, doctors, intellectuals, business men and women, media practitioners, disc jockeys and many others until the list became endless.
Later, it was as if all Ghanaians had become endangered species. And the message was the same: “You will be killed if NDC wins the election.” It neither made sense, nor did it sound logical that a party desperately fighting for political power would eliminate almost the whole population after it had won the elections. But that was what the NPP strategists decided to put on the market.
Whether that strategy and others worked in favour of the NPP or not is a lesson for all political parties. But the results of the second round, which took place on December 28, 2008, showed that the NPP had switched positions with the NDC. The results showed that Prof Mills had 50.13 per cent, while Nana Akufo-Addo had 49.87 per cent of valid ballots cast.
The last hope for the NPP presidential candidate, which was the Tain Constituency election, came on and passed without any change in the final outcome of the presidential election.
The danger in that fake hit list was that it took our political campaigning to a new and a more dangerous level. It sowed seeds of fear and hatred. It brought the nation to the edge and precipice of self-destruction. What should have been a civil exercise to elect our President and lawmakers was turned into a battle of survival in which the stronger could easily annihilate the weaker.
It is a pity we have in our midst, people who are ready to do anything to win political power. It is also a sad commentary that some of these prominent men of God were part of that gigantic and dangerous game that could have brought this country into chaos.
Thank God, Ghana survived. The men of God who claimed they had been threatened with death have survived and in some cases expanded territories and hopefully won more souls for the vineyard of the Lord. All the others including those who amplified the hoax in the media are alive and still going about their legitimate businesses.
Ghanaians generally missed their Christmas and New Year celebrations last year. Not this year. No matter how hard things are, there is hope and we can celebrate, knowing fully well that there is a better tomorrow.
I wish dear readers a Merry Christmas and a Happy and Prosperous New Year in advance.
fokofi@yahoo.co.uk
kofiakordor.blogspot.com
Call it the balm that soothes the pain and removes hatred from the memory chip. May be it is God’s own way of allowing time to filter the bad and awful things out of the system.
Of course, time can also sap us of our pleasant memories.
Upon reflection, I am wondering how many Ghanaians could remember the mood of the country around this time last year. We had then concluded a bitter first round of voting which left a stalemate.
The New Patriotic Party (NPP) had lost the parliamentary election narrowly but came slightly on top in the presidential. According to results released by Dr Kwadwo Afari-Gyan, the Electoral Commissioner, on Wednesday, December 10, 2008, Nana Addo Dankwa Akufo-Addo of the NPP had 4,159,439 votes, constituting 49.13 per cent of the valid ballots cast. His closest rival, Professor John Evans Atta Mills of the NDC, had 4,056,634 votes, representing 47.92 per cent of valid ballots.
In the parliamentary, the NPP had 103 seats, the NDC had 113, and the Convention People’s Party (CPP) had one, while four seats were won by independent candidates. Two seats — Asutifi South and Akwatia — were then not decided.
The campaign to December 7, 2008, was very hectic, murky and some places bloody. The two main parties — the NPP and NDC — were at their mudslinging best. Most of the dirty tricks were carried from the rally grounds to the media, which served as the platform for politicians to prove how crude and rude some of them could be. At certain stages, it became difficult to tell the difference between journalists and politicians because they were stalking the same enemy from different flanks.
Midway into the campaign, it became obvious to objective observers and open-minded supporters of the NPP that the NDC, which appeared weak and fragile at the initial stages, was, like a typical old war horse, not going to take defeat lying low.
After the first round, which the ruling NPP then was sure to take under the ‘One-Touch’ slogan, desperation set in and government decisions became erratic. The NDC decided to hammer where blood was oozing most.
In some of those acts of desperation, convicted traffic offenders were hurriedly released because the Attorney-General’s Department claimed they had been convicted under a non-existent law. The ban placed on the importation of textiles through other entry points apart from the Takoradi Port was quickly lifted.
Former President J. A. Kufuor went into frenzy inaugurating uncompleted projects and cutting the sod for the commencement of others especially fishing harbours along the coast of Ghana which, for all intents and purposes, were not captured in the national budget.
While all these could be seen as part of the political game and spoilt nobody’s business, a more intriguing and ominous arsenal was unleashed by the NPP, may be as a last resort. That was the fear theory. It started as claims by certain people that they had received death threats in the form of text messages or phone calls.
Initially, a few names, including those regular commentators on radio and television, came up as those whose lives were under threat. To oil the wheel of political intrigue that had been set in motion, Ghanaians were told that the phone number on which the threats were being issued belonged to former President J.J. Rawlings. It sounded strange and ridiculous, but people were ready to believe it.
The names of those who appeared on what became known as the ‘hit list’ were carefully chosen and multiplied on daily basis and included big names like Pastor Mensa Anamuah Otabil, the General Overseer of the International Central Gospel Church; Archbishop Nicholas Duncan-Williams of the Action Faith Ministries International; Mrs Justice Henrietta Abban, the judge over the Valley Farms case culminating in the conviction and imprisonment of Mr Tsatsu Tsikata, the former Chief Executive Officer of the Ghana National Petroleum Corporation (GNPC); pastors of other religious bodies, ministers in the NPP government, NPP Members of Parliament, nurses, teachers, musicians, doctors, intellectuals, business men and women, media practitioners, disc jockeys and many others until the list became endless.
Later, it was as if all Ghanaians had become endangered species. And the message was the same: “You will be killed if NDC wins the election.” It neither made sense, nor did it sound logical that a party desperately fighting for political power would eliminate almost the whole population after it had won the elections. But that was what the NPP strategists decided to put on the market.
Whether that strategy and others worked in favour of the NPP or not is a lesson for all political parties. But the results of the second round, which took place on December 28, 2008, showed that the NPP had switched positions with the NDC. The results showed that Prof Mills had 50.13 per cent, while Nana Akufo-Addo had 49.87 per cent of valid ballots cast.
The last hope for the NPP presidential candidate, which was the Tain Constituency election, came on and passed without any change in the final outcome of the presidential election.
The danger in that fake hit list was that it took our political campaigning to a new and a more dangerous level. It sowed seeds of fear and hatred. It brought the nation to the edge and precipice of self-destruction. What should have been a civil exercise to elect our President and lawmakers was turned into a battle of survival in which the stronger could easily annihilate the weaker.
It is a pity we have in our midst, people who are ready to do anything to win political power. It is also a sad commentary that some of these prominent men of God were part of that gigantic and dangerous game that could have brought this country into chaos.
Thank God, Ghana survived. The men of God who claimed they had been threatened with death have survived and in some cases expanded territories and hopefully won more souls for the vineyard of the Lord. All the others including those who amplified the hoax in the media are alive and still going about their legitimate businesses.
Ghanaians generally missed their Christmas and New Year celebrations last year. Not this year. No matter how hard things are, there is hope and we can celebrate, knowing fully well that there is a better tomorrow.
I wish dear readers a Merry Christmas and a Happy and Prosperous New Year in advance.
fokofi@yahoo.co.uk
kofiakordor.blogspot.com
Tuesday, December 15, 2009
SLOW, PAINFUL REGISTRATION EXERCISE (DEC 15, 2009)
THE scene at the registration centres brought agonising memories of what Ghanaians go through during elections, the latest being the 2008 presidential and parliamentary elections.
At the polling centres, meandering queues are formed by eager Ghanaians determined to cast their ballots to elect their parliamentary representatives and the person they believe is most qualified to be the President of this country.
Many wake up at dawn and stay on in the scorching sun until the final act is done. It is an experience many wish they would not go through again.
It is one thing to wish for something and another to get it. The play back came when the National Identification Authority (NIA) announced that the national registration exercise which had travelled tortuously through the Central, Eastern, Western and Volta regions was to pitch camp in the Greater Accra Region.
Greater Accra, being heavily populated, was to be segmented and treated in phases. Residents of Ga East, Ga West, Ashaiman and Tema were, therefore, asked to get themselves ready for the exercise to begin on Wednesday, November 18, 2009.
The D-day came and Ghanaians, with the usual enthusiasm they exhibit towards such national assignments, flocked to the registration centres in their neighbourhoods for what they thought was going to be a quick exercise in the national interest. But that proved to be a serious error of judgement. You either ignore the exercise or go through it to its agonising end, at the expense of your work or your regular schedule.
Many people complained that they had to wake up very early, sometimes as early as 3 a.m., to join queues, yet by the end of the day they had not been registered. Children had to abandon classes for days just to get themselves registered.
One expected that having gone through the exercise in four regions previously and gathered some field experience, the NIA would put things in order to make the exercise easy and accommodating for all. Unfortunately, that was not the case. It brought to Greater Accra all the problems its workers had accumulated in the four regions and the confusion had to be seen to be appreciated.
First, there was the misinformation that residents should go to the polling centres where they voted in the last elections to get registered. That meant that even if there was a registration centre nearer to you, you still had to go to your last polling centre.
Second, when you get to the centre, there are a few clerks taking down particulars of applicants. When they finish their work, there is only one camera connected to a computer where the information on the application form is to be captured and a photograph taken.
The exercise was painfully slow and there was pressure on everybody, including the registration assistants. Occasionally, there were mistakes, either at the point of filling the forms or with the computer-cum photographer.
Desperate people in the queue sometimes got agitated when they suspected that someone was trying to short-change them by jumping the queue. Naturally, an otherwise organised group got disorganised and everything became basaa or nyamaa, as we may put it in local parlance.
It became obvious by the second day of the 10-day exercise that the NIA settled on the registration centres without considering the population density of those centres. If those in authority knew but did not provide adequate logistics, then it would not be wrong to conclude that the NIA did not care for the success or otherwise of the exercise.
Right from the onset, the registration exercise was dogged by many problems. There was the proverbial problem of inadequate funds to procure the necessary logistics.
For a very long time there were labour disputes between the NIA and its field officers over how much should be the daily/monthly allowance and who deserved to receive what. That brought the exercise to near collapse at certain stages.
While it was battling with its own internal problems, the NIA ran into difficulty when, at one stage, it had to conduct its business alongside the Electoral Commission, which was also preparing its register for Election 2008. In an environment of high levels of illiteracy and ignorance, the confusion created could well be imagined.
After all these things, Ghanaians expected that the NIA would prepare adequately for the Greater Accra exercise, but if what happened in the first phase is a measure, then the NIA is still far away from having effective control over the exercise.
We share in the NIA’s lamentations over lack of adequate funds to procure the necessary logistics and pay its field staff decent allowances to keep them motivated to perform. That brings up the question: Why are the authorities reluctant to release funds when it comes to very important national exercises such as the national identification registration whose benefits are well-known to those who brought the idea?
The benefits are too numerous to mention, but a few will suffice here. The exercise, among many other things, will help the government to have a fair idea of our national population, its distribution and the various age and professional groups for purposes of national planning.
A national ID card will also help in the electoral process by serving as a back-up to the electoral register and voters’ ID cards. Apart from establishing who a citizen and a non-citizen are, the national ID card will facilitate easy transaction in the banks and official circles, such as admission to educational institutions or treatment at medical facilities, especially where nationality, location and other vital information are required.
This is an exercise that should not be handled haphazardly under any circumstances. That is why we think so far the NIA has not received the requisite support from government or failed to do its work with due diligence, or both. The exercise is not over and we think each new day should make us discharge our duties better, instead of repeating past mistakes.
There are many school leavers in town who could be recruited and deployed on the field to speed up the exercise and make it less cumbersome. There is also the need for additional equipment.
It should be possible for workers of certain organisations to be registered at their workplaces, just as it should be possible for students, at least those in the tertiary institutions, to registered on their campuses.
The refrain of ‘no money’ should not be used as an excuse. The exercise is too important for the nation for anybody to hide behind this facade of ‘no funds’ to undermine its success.
Ghanaians have shown enough enthusiasm and responded with great interest to the call to register. Let them not be blamed if the exercise fails to attain its full objectives. Many of us may not go beyond the NIA to look for the source of any failure.
fokofi@yahoo.co.uk
kofiakordor.blogspot.com
At the polling centres, meandering queues are formed by eager Ghanaians determined to cast their ballots to elect their parliamentary representatives and the person they believe is most qualified to be the President of this country.
Many wake up at dawn and stay on in the scorching sun until the final act is done. It is an experience many wish they would not go through again.
It is one thing to wish for something and another to get it. The play back came when the National Identification Authority (NIA) announced that the national registration exercise which had travelled tortuously through the Central, Eastern, Western and Volta regions was to pitch camp in the Greater Accra Region.
Greater Accra, being heavily populated, was to be segmented and treated in phases. Residents of Ga East, Ga West, Ashaiman and Tema were, therefore, asked to get themselves ready for the exercise to begin on Wednesday, November 18, 2009.
The D-day came and Ghanaians, with the usual enthusiasm they exhibit towards such national assignments, flocked to the registration centres in their neighbourhoods for what they thought was going to be a quick exercise in the national interest. But that proved to be a serious error of judgement. You either ignore the exercise or go through it to its agonising end, at the expense of your work or your regular schedule.
Many people complained that they had to wake up very early, sometimes as early as 3 a.m., to join queues, yet by the end of the day they had not been registered. Children had to abandon classes for days just to get themselves registered.
One expected that having gone through the exercise in four regions previously and gathered some field experience, the NIA would put things in order to make the exercise easy and accommodating for all. Unfortunately, that was not the case. It brought to Greater Accra all the problems its workers had accumulated in the four regions and the confusion had to be seen to be appreciated.
First, there was the misinformation that residents should go to the polling centres where they voted in the last elections to get registered. That meant that even if there was a registration centre nearer to you, you still had to go to your last polling centre.
Second, when you get to the centre, there are a few clerks taking down particulars of applicants. When they finish their work, there is only one camera connected to a computer where the information on the application form is to be captured and a photograph taken.
The exercise was painfully slow and there was pressure on everybody, including the registration assistants. Occasionally, there were mistakes, either at the point of filling the forms or with the computer-cum photographer.
Desperate people in the queue sometimes got agitated when they suspected that someone was trying to short-change them by jumping the queue. Naturally, an otherwise organised group got disorganised and everything became basaa or nyamaa, as we may put it in local parlance.
It became obvious by the second day of the 10-day exercise that the NIA settled on the registration centres without considering the population density of those centres. If those in authority knew but did not provide adequate logistics, then it would not be wrong to conclude that the NIA did not care for the success or otherwise of the exercise.
Right from the onset, the registration exercise was dogged by many problems. There was the proverbial problem of inadequate funds to procure the necessary logistics.
For a very long time there were labour disputes between the NIA and its field officers over how much should be the daily/monthly allowance and who deserved to receive what. That brought the exercise to near collapse at certain stages.
While it was battling with its own internal problems, the NIA ran into difficulty when, at one stage, it had to conduct its business alongside the Electoral Commission, which was also preparing its register for Election 2008. In an environment of high levels of illiteracy and ignorance, the confusion created could well be imagined.
After all these things, Ghanaians expected that the NIA would prepare adequately for the Greater Accra exercise, but if what happened in the first phase is a measure, then the NIA is still far away from having effective control over the exercise.
We share in the NIA’s lamentations over lack of adequate funds to procure the necessary logistics and pay its field staff decent allowances to keep them motivated to perform. That brings up the question: Why are the authorities reluctant to release funds when it comes to very important national exercises such as the national identification registration whose benefits are well-known to those who brought the idea?
The benefits are too numerous to mention, but a few will suffice here. The exercise, among many other things, will help the government to have a fair idea of our national population, its distribution and the various age and professional groups for purposes of national planning.
A national ID card will also help in the electoral process by serving as a back-up to the electoral register and voters’ ID cards. Apart from establishing who a citizen and a non-citizen are, the national ID card will facilitate easy transaction in the banks and official circles, such as admission to educational institutions or treatment at medical facilities, especially where nationality, location and other vital information are required.
This is an exercise that should not be handled haphazardly under any circumstances. That is why we think so far the NIA has not received the requisite support from government or failed to do its work with due diligence, or both. The exercise is not over and we think each new day should make us discharge our duties better, instead of repeating past mistakes.
There are many school leavers in town who could be recruited and deployed on the field to speed up the exercise and make it less cumbersome. There is also the need for additional equipment.
It should be possible for workers of certain organisations to be registered at their workplaces, just as it should be possible for students, at least those in the tertiary institutions, to registered on their campuses.
The refrain of ‘no money’ should not be used as an excuse. The exercise is too important for the nation for anybody to hide behind this facade of ‘no funds’ to undermine its success.
Ghanaians have shown enough enthusiasm and responded with great interest to the call to register. Let them not be blamed if the exercise fails to attain its full objectives. Many of us may not go beyond the NIA to look for the source of any failure.
fokofi@yahoo.co.uk
kofiakordor.blogspot.com
Tuesday, December 8, 2009
CAUGHT IN A POLITICAL BLACKMAIL (DEC 8, 2009)
AS a nation, we are gradually being pushed into a vicious political culture which will ultimately make nonsense of our democratic credentials.
The statement which qualifies democratic governance as “A government of the people, by the people and for the people” is gradually being replaced in our circumstances with “A government of a political party, by all Ghanaians and for a few supporters”.
Before the 2000 elections, there was grumbling within certain quarters of the ruling National Democratic Congress (NDC) of neglect. Some people, describing themselves as the foot soldiers and cadres who, even before the party came into existence, were doing the field work from the Provisional National Defence Council (PNDC) days, complained about being sidelined and abandoned.
The party hierarchy might have taken for granted complaints that the government at the time was only recycling the same people for over 10 years in political positions when there was a large pool of dedicated and qualified people to pick from to replenish the stock.
When the National Reformed Party (NRP), led by Mr Goosie Tanoh, was formed, the clear signals were left unheeded, and that party managed to take away a good number of the youthful supporters of the NDC. No matter how one looks at it, formation of the NRP played a part in the NDC’s defeat in 2000.
The New Patriotic Party (NPP) did not escape internal agitation from its foot-soldiers. The formation of the Reformed Patriotic Party (RPP) to contest the 2008 election was a residue of that discontent.
What many do not know is that the pressure comes not only from the so-called foot soldiers. A bigger or more intense pressure which is not normally made public comes from the financiers, relatives, friends and those described as loyalists and die-hard supporters. There are some elements within the NPP who are still blaming former President J.A. Kufuor for not giving them a free range to do according to their wish.
When millions of Ghanaians queue up in the scorching sun from dawn to dusk to cast their ballots, they do so in the main for one purpose — to elect a leader who, in their estimation, has the vision, conviction, capacity and tenacity of purpose to carry out the mission of making this country a better place for all.
Ghanaians are not unaware of the squalor and misery around them. They know their children are struggling to get the best of schools, they know they need good medical care, they know they need good drinking water, decent and affordable accommodation, good and abundant food, good roads and a regular source of income to get their pockets filled with cash at all times.
A President so elected is elected by the people of Ghana and whose responsibility it is to address the myriad of problems facing all Ghanaians without distinction. That is why when he is sworn into office, he does not pledge allegiance to any political party, tribal, ethnic or religious group but to the sovereign state of Ghana and its citizens.
It is, therefore, a dangerous trend if excessive pressure is mounted on the President from party quarters to begin to see the success of the government only in the eyes of party supporters. We know reference will always be made about the past, but that unhealthy practice must be condemned and consigned to the dustbin of political chicanery.
It must be recognised that every political party, as a human institution, has people running its activities. It must also be recognised that political parties comprise people with certain principles and shared beliefs, and, therefore, a political party that wins power cannot turn away from or abandon its core members, especially if these people have special expertise, skills and other qualities that will help the government to pursue its agenda of national development.
That is why no government should be blamed for concentrating political appointments in the hands of its members, in so far as the national interest is not pushed into the background. Otherwise, why do we form political parties, any way?
However, it appears we are gradually drifting into a politics of blackmail, where certain people claiming to be the supporters or foot-soldiers are claiming everything as if this country and its resources belong to only a section of the people with the rest of us mere innocent bystanders.
No one can take away or ignore the efforts of some individuals who campaigned for or gave various forms of assistance to political parties or candidates during elections. However, in fairness to all Ghanaians, can a President seriously identify the over four million people who made it possible for him to become the First Gentleman of the country?
There is a good reason ballots are secret, so that at the end of the day there will be no losers but all of us become winners. It is very likely that among those very vociferous about their support for a party are some who did not vote at all, or voted for a different party.
That is why the pressure on the President should not be about selective treatment but a general situation which makes it possible for any hardworking and serious person to make a decent living in whatever field of endeavour that person finds himself/herself.
Loyalty, dedication and commitment notwithstanding, the President must be able to pick a team from among the large pool of Ghanaians with the requisite qualifications and expertise that could change the fortunes of this country for the better. If we allow obsession with party loyalty and support to take the better part of us, we are more than likely to fill very important and strategic positions with the wrong people and the nation and the people of this country would be the greatest losers.
If we have the right people managing our economy well and business is flourishing, employment avenues are more than enough to absorb the young graduates and other skilled labour, if there are enough classrooms for our children and our roads are no longer death traps, if our health facilities are brimming with medications and well-motivated and satisfied health workers, who will be yearning for preferential treatment?
Sometimes we have to blame the politicians for the type of promises they make to their followers when on the campaign trail. In their desperation to win votes they talk as if there is a well of wealth they will fetch from and distribute to their supporters. Incidentally, most of these people do not have any professional qualifications or skills to fit easily into any job placement.
As you read this, President John Evans Atta Mills is under siege from party supporters for not clearing the path for them to reap what they sew during the campaign period. Some are of the strong opinion that there are many who were surrogates of the previous government and, therefore, must be kicked out. It is true there are some who served party interests rather than national interest.
Yes, there are many who are carrying scars of abuse from the previous government and would, therefore, want certain things done quickly. But should we begin to segment the country into winners and losers?
We must begin to appreciate the fact that apart from a few political office holders and their appendages, the majority of Ghanaians no matter their political affiliation can only hope and pray that the government delivers and that is where our salvation lies.
Members and supporters of political parties in government have every right to demand that their representatives in government deliver according to the development agenda promised the electorate.
They also have the right and in fact they owe it a duty to throw the searchlight on them, to ensure that they operate above reproach. Beyond that, any demand for the satisfaction of their selfish interests will derail the national process and undermine the spirit behind multiparty democracy.
We have fought for democratic governance for good reasons. We should not allow a few weaknesses inherent in the system to deny us the blessings of multi-party democracy.
In the days of military dictatorship, we kept our unity as a nation of one people. We all suffered the harsh cruelties and consequences of dictatorship and benefited from the crumbs of their benevolence.
The rulers owed no allegiance to foot soldiers or supporters who did not exist anyway. Their allegiance was to their guns and the few hangers-on, who were at their beck and call. The rest of us were just victims and obedient servants. Those were inglorious days no Ghanaian would want to return to.
That is why our democracy must be made to work. It will work in an atmosphere of tolerance, understanding and mutual exchanges.
The earlier we extricate ourselves from this political blackmail, the earlier we move away from patronage and the earlier we shy away from the philosophy of “this is our time, let us create and share”, the better for our democracy and our survival and progress.
fokofi@yahoo.co.uk
kofiakordor.blogspot.com
The statement which qualifies democratic governance as “A government of the people, by the people and for the people” is gradually being replaced in our circumstances with “A government of a political party, by all Ghanaians and for a few supporters”.
Before the 2000 elections, there was grumbling within certain quarters of the ruling National Democratic Congress (NDC) of neglect. Some people, describing themselves as the foot soldiers and cadres who, even before the party came into existence, were doing the field work from the Provisional National Defence Council (PNDC) days, complained about being sidelined and abandoned.
The party hierarchy might have taken for granted complaints that the government at the time was only recycling the same people for over 10 years in political positions when there was a large pool of dedicated and qualified people to pick from to replenish the stock.
When the National Reformed Party (NRP), led by Mr Goosie Tanoh, was formed, the clear signals were left unheeded, and that party managed to take away a good number of the youthful supporters of the NDC. No matter how one looks at it, formation of the NRP played a part in the NDC’s defeat in 2000.
The New Patriotic Party (NPP) did not escape internal agitation from its foot-soldiers. The formation of the Reformed Patriotic Party (RPP) to contest the 2008 election was a residue of that discontent.
What many do not know is that the pressure comes not only from the so-called foot soldiers. A bigger or more intense pressure which is not normally made public comes from the financiers, relatives, friends and those described as loyalists and die-hard supporters. There are some elements within the NPP who are still blaming former President J.A. Kufuor for not giving them a free range to do according to their wish.
When millions of Ghanaians queue up in the scorching sun from dawn to dusk to cast their ballots, they do so in the main for one purpose — to elect a leader who, in their estimation, has the vision, conviction, capacity and tenacity of purpose to carry out the mission of making this country a better place for all.
Ghanaians are not unaware of the squalor and misery around them. They know their children are struggling to get the best of schools, they know they need good medical care, they know they need good drinking water, decent and affordable accommodation, good and abundant food, good roads and a regular source of income to get their pockets filled with cash at all times.
A President so elected is elected by the people of Ghana and whose responsibility it is to address the myriad of problems facing all Ghanaians without distinction. That is why when he is sworn into office, he does not pledge allegiance to any political party, tribal, ethnic or religious group but to the sovereign state of Ghana and its citizens.
It is, therefore, a dangerous trend if excessive pressure is mounted on the President from party quarters to begin to see the success of the government only in the eyes of party supporters. We know reference will always be made about the past, but that unhealthy practice must be condemned and consigned to the dustbin of political chicanery.
It must be recognised that every political party, as a human institution, has people running its activities. It must also be recognised that political parties comprise people with certain principles and shared beliefs, and, therefore, a political party that wins power cannot turn away from or abandon its core members, especially if these people have special expertise, skills and other qualities that will help the government to pursue its agenda of national development.
That is why no government should be blamed for concentrating political appointments in the hands of its members, in so far as the national interest is not pushed into the background. Otherwise, why do we form political parties, any way?
However, it appears we are gradually drifting into a politics of blackmail, where certain people claiming to be the supporters or foot-soldiers are claiming everything as if this country and its resources belong to only a section of the people with the rest of us mere innocent bystanders.
No one can take away or ignore the efforts of some individuals who campaigned for or gave various forms of assistance to political parties or candidates during elections. However, in fairness to all Ghanaians, can a President seriously identify the over four million people who made it possible for him to become the First Gentleman of the country?
There is a good reason ballots are secret, so that at the end of the day there will be no losers but all of us become winners. It is very likely that among those very vociferous about their support for a party are some who did not vote at all, or voted for a different party.
That is why the pressure on the President should not be about selective treatment but a general situation which makes it possible for any hardworking and serious person to make a decent living in whatever field of endeavour that person finds himself/herself.
Loyalty, dedication and commitment notwithstanding, the President must be able to pick a team from among the large pool of Ghanaians with the requisite qualifications and expertise that could change the fortunes of this country for the better. If we allow obsession with party loyalty and support to take the better part of us, we are more than likely to fill very important and strategic positions with the wrong people and the nation and the people of this country would be the greatest losers.
If we have the right people managing our economy well and business is flourishing, employment avenues are more than enough to absorb the young graduates and other skilled labour, if there are enough classrooms for our children and our roads are no longer death traps, if our health facilities are brimming with medications and well-motivated and satisfied health workers, who will be yearning for preferential treatment?
Sometimes we have to blame the politicians for the type of promises they make to their followers when on the campaign trail. In their desperation to win votes they talk as if there is a well of wealth they will fetch from and distribute to their supporters. Incidentally, most of these people do not have any professional qualifications or skills to fit easily into any job placement.
As you read this, President John Evans Atta Mills is under siege from party supporters for not clearing the path for them to reap what they sew during the campaign period. Some are of the strong opinion that there are many who were surrogates of the previous government and, therefore, must be kicked out. It is true there are some who served party interests rather than national interest.
Yes, there are many who are carrying scars of abuse from the previous government and would, therefore, want certain things done quickly. But should we begin to segment the country into winners and losers?
We must begin to appreciate the fact that apart from a few political office holders and their appendages, the majority of Ghanaians no matter their political affiliation can only hope and pray that the government delivers and that is where our salvation lies.
Members and supporters of political parties in government have every right to demand that their representatives in government deliver according to the development agenda promised the electorate.
They also have the right and in fact they owe it a duty to throw the searchlight on them, to ensure that they operate above reproach. Beyond that, any demand for the satisfaction of their selfish interests will derail the national process and undermine the spirit behind multiparty democracy.
We have fought for democratic governance for good reasons. We should not allow a few weaknesses inherent in the system to deny us the blessings of multi-party democracy.
In the days of military dictatorship, we kept our unity as a nation of one people. We all suffered the harsh cruelties and consequences of dictatorship and benefited from the crumbs of their benevolence.
The rulers owed no allegiance to foot soldiers or supporters who did not exist anyway. Their allegiance was to their guns and the few hangers-on, who were at their beck and call. The rest of us were just victims and obedient servants. Those were inglorious days no Ghanaian would want to return to.
That is why our democracy must be made to work. It will work in an atmosphere of tolerance, understanding and mutual exchanges.
The earlier we extricate ourselves from this political blackmail, the earlier we move away from patronage and the earlier we shy away from the philosophy of “this is our time, let us create and share”, the better for our democracy and our survival and progress.
fokofi@yahoo.co.uk
kofiakordor.blogspot.com
Tuesday, December 1, 2009
ANOTHER FARMERS DAY, A MERE CELEBRATION? (PAGE 7, DEC 1)
ON Friday, December 4, 2009, farmers in the country will go through an annual ritual which began 25 years ago. Time can play tricks on the human memory, so it is necessary to recount the humble beginnings of what has now become the National Farmers Day.
Between 1982 and 1984, the country suffered a serious drought which members of that generation could not remember anything in history to compare to. By 1984, the country had been ravaged by devastating bushfires, which reduced the land bare and dry, with very little green vegetation.
The cocoa farms were all gone and so were food crops. The hunger reached excruciating levels when in 1983, more than one million Ghanaians were chased out of Nigeria to return to what they were escaping from. Our situation then might not have been as bad and desperate as the Ethiopian and Somalian cases, but all the same, Ghanaians had to endure a severe famine never experienced for decades.
That was how the National Mobilisation Squads, Mobisquads for short, came into existence to clear the farms and replant the cocoa trees. The activities of the Mobisquads were expanded to involve other community projects such as construction of classroom blocks, roads, toilets and many others.
In 1984, having emerged from this natural and human calamity, the National Mobilisation Programme (NMP), under the chairmanship of Commodore Steve Obimpeh, and the Ghana Federation of Agricultural Co-operatives (GHAFACOOPS), under Togbe Sasraku, put together a programme to celebrate with farmers their heroic role in the restoration of agricultural activities after the long drought and famine.
That was how, in December of 1984, farmers from all over the country came to gather at Osino in the Eastern Region, to receive honours from the state. The Osino meeting, at which Captain Kojo Tsikata (retd), member of the Provisional National Defence Council (PNDC), was the guest speaker, was modest by all standards, and farmers who won awards, including the national best farmer went home with sacks, cutlasses, Wellington boots, bicycles and certificates. Others not so lucky consoled themselves with handshakes.
Later, the government of the PNDC felt there should be a special day devoted to farmers and fishermen, in recognition of their hard work in feeding the nation and sustaining the economy. That was how the first Friday in December was institutionalised as the National Farmers’ Day.
The National Farmers’ Day, which has been observed religiously since then, has undergone transformation in significance, stature and substance. With the support of corporate institutions and a few individuals, the day has systematically advanced beyond the days of cutlasses, Wellington boots, jute sacks, bicycles and certificates to the present when the National Best Farmer collects keys to a three-bedroom house, while the two runners-up drive home powerful pickups. It is like the biblical saying that those who have, shall have more added to them.
The celebration has endured for the last 25 years, but as to whether or not the spirit behind the celebration has survived, is another matter. First, some people are of the view that there should be some modifications to improve upon the celebration.
They are also of the opinion that the district and the regional celebrations should not coincide with the national one, because the latter always takes the glamour off the lesser ones. It is felt that it would be a good idea to separate the district and the regional celebrations, after which the Grand National celebration will take place on the first Friday of December.
Others also think there is rather too much concentration on big-scale farmers to the neglect of the subsistent farmers who are in the majority and whose contributions to food production cannot be ignored.
The most important question, however, is how has agriculture fared since the institution of the National Farmers’ Day? Seriously speaking, agriculture is still at the subsistence level and excessively over-reliant on nature’s goodwill.
I mean food production in the country is in the main rain-fed. That means anytime the rains fail, the nation is at the risk of suffering from famine. Incidentally, this is a country endowed with large volumes of water which could easily irrigate the land and make agricultural production an all-year-round affair. This is where we have failed miserably.
Burkina Faso, our northern neighbours, have utilised the water in the Volta for farming and it is not strange to us in Ghana that we buy vegetables and spices from them on a regular basis.
The Minister of Food and Agriculture (MoFA), Mr Kwesi Ahwoi, raised hopes a few weeks into his administration when he announced that plans were afoot to go into big-time irrigation in the Afram and Accra plains, which have the River Volta and its lake flowing through them.
This is not the first time Ghanaians have heard of transforming the plains into the food basket and granary of the country, and we only hope that Mr Ahwoi’s declaration will also not turn out to be one of those political talks. It is unpardonable that a small country like Ghana, with vast fertile lands, should be a net importer of food items, especially rice, which is a staple in most homes.
The recent decision by the government to re-impose import duties on certain food items, including rice and poultry products is in the right direction, at least to assure local farmers that the local market will be theirs to take. But that is just one step, which may not yield much if not matched with credit facilities and subsidised inputs to facilitate expansion of farms and increase in production levels. I believe this is what the subsistence farmers are yearning for. And who knows, this attention will push them into the commercial and big-time range.
The greatest tribute the state can pay farmers is to make their vocation dignifying and self-rewarding. Farmers complain of poor prices during bumper harvests because roads to most food-growing areas are very bad and hardly accessible. Naturally, the market women who risk their lives and go to the producing centres call the shots.
Another area in which we have failed is storage and preservation. Dr Kwame Nkrumah, typical of his approach to national development, embarked upon construction of silos in various parts of the country. Almost all of these silos remain as symbols of national decay long after the man’s overthrow.
In the same way, we have not been able to exploit the benefits of fruit production in the country. While our mangoes, oranges and pineapples rot, we have, with a misplaced sense of pride, stocked our supermarkets with canned fruits from other parts of the world.
When we add value to farm produce through storage, preservation and processing, we will be doing more than just glorifying farmers. But we will be empowering them to take their destiny into their own hands. It will also give a boost to the economy more than just exporting raw materials.
The National Farmers’ Day has come to stay. But we need to do more than just assembling a few farmers out of the lot for honours, if we are to make agriculture generally attractive and rewarding. We need to go beyond the fanfare, if we are to achieve food security, which is the only way we can guarantee our independence and sovereignty. Well done, our farmers.
fokofi@yahoo.co.uk
Kofiakordor.blogspot.com
Between 1982 and 1984, the country suffered a serious drought which members of that generation could not remember anything in history to compare to. By 1984, the country had been ravaged by devastating bushfires, which reduced the land bare and dry, with very little green vegetation.
The cocoa farms were all gone and so were food crops. The hunger reached excruciating levels when in 1983, more than one million Ghanaians were chased out of Nigeria to return to what they were escaping from. Our situation then might not have been as bad and desperate as the Ethiopian and Somalian cases, but all the same, Ghanaians had to endure a severe famine never experienced for decades.
That was how the National Mobilisation Squads, Mobisquads for short, came into existence to clear the farms and replant the cocoa trees. The activities of the Mobisquads were expanded to involve other community projects such as construction of classroom blocks, roads, toilets and many others.
In 1984, having emerged from this natural and human calamity, the National Mobilisation Programme (NMP), under the chairmanship of Commodore Steve Obimpeh, and the Ghana Federation of Agricultural Co-operatives (GHAFACOOPS), under Togbe Sasraku, put together a programme to celebrate with farmers their heroic role in the restoration of agricultural activities after the long drought and famine.
That was how, in December of 1984, farmers from all over the country came to gather at Osino in the Eastern Region, to receive honours from the state. The Osino meeting, at which Captain Kojo Tsikata (retd), member of the Provisional National Defence Council (PNDC), was the guest speaker, was modest by all standards, and farmers who won awards, including the national best farmer went home with sacks, cutlasses, Wellington boots, bicycles and certificates. Others not so lucky consoled themselves with handshakes.
Later, the government of the PNDC felt there should be a special day devoted to farmers and fishermen, in recognition of their hard work in feeding the nation and sustaining the economy. That was how the first Friday in December was institutionalised as the National Farmers’ Day.
The National Farmers’ Day, which has been observed religiously since then, has undergone transformation in significance, stature and substance. With the support of corporate institutions and a few individuals, the day has systematically advanced beyond the days of cutlasses, Wellington boots, jute sacks, bicycles and certificates to the present when the National Best Farmer collects keys to a three-bedroom house, while the two runners-up drive home powerful pickups. It is like the biblical saying that those who have, shall have more added to them.
The celebration has endured for the last 25 years, but as to whether or not the spirit behind the celebration has survived, is another matter. First, some people are of the view that there should be some modifications to improve upon the celebration.
They are also of the opinion that the district and the regional celebrations should not coincide with the national one, because the latter always takes the glamour off the lesser ones. It is felt that it would be a good idea to separate the district and the regional celebrations, after which the Grand National celebration will take place on the first Friday of December.
Others also think there is rather too much concentration on big-scale farmers to the neglect of the subsistent farmers who are in the majority and whose contributions to food production cannot be ignored.
The most important question, however, is how has agriculture fared since the institution of the National Farmers’ Day? Seriously speaking, agriculture is still at the subsistence level and excessively over-reliant on nature’s goodwill.
I mean food production in the country is in the main rain-fed. That means anytime the rains fail, the nation is at the risk of suffering from famine. Incidentally, this is a country endowed with large volumes of water which could easily irrigate the land and make agricultural production an all-year-round affair. This is where we have failed miserably.
Burkina Faso, our northern neighbours, have utilised the water in the Volta for farming and it is not strange to us in Ghana that we buy vegetables and spices from them on a regular basis.
The Minister of Food and Agriculture (MoFA), Mr Kwesi Ahwoi, raised hopes a few weeks into his administration when he announced that plans were afoot to go into big-time irrigation in the Afram and Accra plains, which have the River Volta and its lake flowing through them.
This is not the first time Ghanaians have heard of transforming the plains into the food basket and granary of the country, and we only hope that Mr Ahwoi’s declaration will also not turn out to be one of those political talks. It is unpardonable that a small country like Ghana, with vast fertile lands, should be a net importer of food items, especially rice, which is a staple in most homes.
The recent decision by the government to re-impose import duties on certain food items, including rice and poultry products is in the right direction, at least to assure local farmers that the local market will be theirs to take. But that is just one step, which may not yield much if not matched with credit facilities and subsidised inputs to facilitate expansion of farms and increase in production levels. I believe this is what the subsistence farmers are yearning for. And who knows, this attention will push them into the commercial and big-time range.
The greatest tribute the state can pay farmers is to make their vocation dignifying and self-rewarding. Farmers complain of poor prices during bumper harvests because roads to most food-growing areas are very bad and hardly accessible. Naturally, the market women who risk their lives and go to the producing centres call the shots.
Another area in which we have failed is storage and preservation. Dr Kwame Nkrumah, typical of his approach to national development, embarked upon construction of silos in various parts of the country. Almost all of these silos remain as symbols of national decay long after the man’s overthrow.
In the same way, we have not been able to exploit the benefits of fruit production in the country. While our mangoes, oranges and pineapples rot, we have, with a misplaced sense of pride, stocked our supermarkets with canned fruits from other parts of the world.
When we add value to farm produce through storage, preservation and processing, we will be doing more than just glorifying farmers. But we will be empowering them to take their destiny into their own hands. It will also give a boost to the economy more than just exporting raw materials.
The National Farmers’ Day has come to stay. But we need to do more than just assembling a few farmers out of the lot for honours, if we are to make agriculture generally attractive and rewarding. We need to go beyond the fanfare, if we are to achieve food security, which is the only way we can guarantee our independence and sovereignty. Well done, our farmers.
fokofi@yahoo.co.uk
Kofiakordor.blogspot.com
Tuesday, November 24, 2009
SPORTS AND POVERTY ELIMINATION (NOV 24)
THE euphoria of victory, especially in a major sporting event, can be very stimulating. And this explains why the country is still basking in the glory of lifting the FIFA Under-20 World Cup in far away Egypt.
The victory in a way took away the nation’s pains over the Black Stars’ poor showing in the last two World Cup qualification matches.
The young men and their handlers who brought international glory to the country drove home brand new vehicles, which some of our top professionals, including medical officers and engineers, working in the public service would take probably their entire working life to acquire.
Apart from this, the Black Satellites players, having a bright future ahead of them, have been secured a solid foundation by the state with a GH¢10, 000 life insurance package each to mature between 10 and 15 years.
It must be stressed that this is just the beginning, coming from what could be described as locally-generated funds. There is more for them beyond, if they remain consistent and take their chosen careers seriously.
Already we have been told that the star of the Egypt tournament, Dominic Adiyiah, has landed a lucrative signing with Italian Serie A giants, AC Milan.
In a short period of time, the lives of about 20 young players have undergone a dramatic change – a change that will take them and possibly other members of their families from poverty and place them in a world of wealth and prosperity.
If they play their cards well and manage their affairs with stringent discipline, their children will not trod the rough path they came from and their fortune will surely reflect on the lives of other people who are closely associated with them.
A few other sportsmen and women like Abedi Ayew Pele, Anthony Yeboah, Azumah Nelson, Ike Quartey and Samuel Osei Kufuor, who have taken the lead by undergoing positive social transformation in their lives, have proved that sports is no longer just a game but a profession, which holds the key to the social and economic emancipation of the youth of this country.
We have always heard of various strategies for job creation and poverty alleviation, which at the end of the day leave very little impact on the economy in general or brings just some solace to the large army of unemployed youth roaming the streets like zombies.
We cannot wait for the establishment of big factories to create employment for our youth because that day will never come.
Second, the factories alone cannot guarantee them decent living and a sound wealth since salaries will depend on various factors, including qualification, skills and market forces.
Since most of these young men and women are unskilled, with some of them being stark illiterates, we may give them jobs without necessarily improving their social and economic conditions.
Out of desperation, the youth are engaging in all sorts of dangerous activities with devastating consequences just to make ends meet.
About two weeks ago, the newspapers, including the Daily Graphic, had no option but to bring the full impact and dangers of illegal mining (galamsey) in pictures to Ghanaians. That was when 18 people, 14 of them women, lost their lives in a galamsey operation at Dompoase, near Wassa Akropong in the Western Region, which went tragic.
Internet fraud, which has gained notoriety as ‘Sakawa’ in local parlance and armed robbery are some of the evils eating into our social fabric, because as it is said, the devil finds work for idle hands.
Until the oil money begins to flow and the factories begin to spring up everywhere, we , as a nation, still have a pool of talents to exploit to make this nation prosperous and to make the youth useful to themselves and the nation. That is through the magic of sports.
It has now been proven that we do not need to destroy the forests of this country, degrade the environment through mining activities and entangle ourselves in the production of raw cocoa beans to generate wealth and create employment in the country.
A little more investment in our human resources by improving upon sporting facilities will give a tremendous boost to sports development in the country.
We can take the development of soccer in the country to a more scientific level by establishing more football academies in many parts of the country to unearth more talents that abound all over the country.
These talents can be groomed to nourish the national league and later exported to play professional league in Europe and other parts of the world to bring hard cash into the country.
Apart from soccer, there are raw talents in other sporting fields that are waiting to be discovered and developed. What we need is a more serious approach to their development.
A standard basketball court, tennis court and boxing gym in every neighbourhood can turn the scale from joblessness and vulnerability to accomplished sportsmen and women prepared to rake in the millions of dollars beckoning them.
So far our success in football and boxing has been reliant on the natural talents of the young men and women with very little effort to add any scientific grooming. That is an indication that we can do better still on the international stage if we can make investment by way of expanding existing facilities and adding more at the regional and district levels to encourage the youth to take to sports which can easily make them competitive on the international market.
As the success story of the Black Satellites has proved, many years of galamsey, with its attendant dangers, can never bring the returns that a successful footballer, tennis player or boxer could bring to himself and his/her community.
The revival of the Academicals and other college sporting competitions could be the beginning of an aggressive sports development at the youth level.
Facilities at the community level will be a booster. That is why the neglect of the Azumah Nelson Sports Complex at Kaneshie is an apology for a country that claims to have made sports a cornerstone of its youth development policy.
fokofi@yahoo.co.uk
kofiakordor.blogspot.com
The victory in a way took away the nation’s pains over the Black Stars’ poor showing in the last two World Cup qualification matches.
The young men and their handlers who brought international glory to the country drove home brand new vehicles, which some of our top professionals, including medical officers and engineers, working in the public service would take probably their entire working life to acquire.
Apart from this, the Black Satellites players, having a bright future ahead of them, have been secured a solid foundation by the state with a GH¢10, 000 life insurance package each to mature between 10 and 15 years.
It must be stressed that this is just the beginning, coming from what could be described as locally-generated funds. There is more for them beyond, if they remain consistent and take their chosen careers seriously.
Already we have been told that the star of the Egypt tournament, Dominic Adiyiah, has landed a lucrative signing with Italian Serie A giants, AC Milan.
In a short period of time, the lives of about 20 young players have undergone a dramatic change – a change that will take them and possibly other members of their families from poverty and place them in a world of wealth and prosperity.
If they play their cards well and manage their affairs with stringent discipline, their children will not trod the rough path they came from and their fortune will surely reflect on the lives of other people who are closely associated with them.
A few other sportsmen and women like Abedi Ayew Pele, Anthony Yeboah, Azumah Nelson, Ike Quartey and Samuel Osei Kufuor, who have taken the lead by undergoing positive social transformation in their lives, have proved that sports is no longer just a game but a profession, which holds the key to the social and economic emancipation of the youth of this country.
We have always heard of various strategies for job creation and poverty alleviation, which at the end of the day leave very little impact on the economy in general or brings just some solace to the large army of unemployed youth roaming the streets like zombies.
We cannot wait for the establishment of big factories to create employment for our youth because that day will never come.
Second, the factories alone cannot guarantee them decent living and a sound wealth since salaries will depend on various factors, including qualification, skills and market forces.
Since most of these young men and women are unskilled, with some of them being stark illiterates, we may give them jobs without necessarily improving their social and economic conditions.
Out of desperation, the youth are engaging in all sorts of dangerous activities with devastating consequences just to make ends meet.
About two weeks ago, the newspapers, including the Daily Graphic, had no option but to bring the full impact and dangers of illegal mining (galamsey) in pictures to Ghanaians. That was when 18 people, 14 of them women, lost their lives in a galamsey operation at Dompoase, near Wassa Akropong in the Western Region, which went tragic.
Internet fraud, which has gained notoriety as ‘Sakawa’ in local parlance and armed robbery are some of the evils eating into our social fabric, because as it is said, the devil finds work for idle hands.
Until the oil money begins to flow and the factories begin to spring up everywhere, we , as a nation, still have a pool of talents to exploit to make this nation prosperous and to make the youth useful to themselves and the nation. That is through the magic of sports.
It has now been proven that we do not need to destroy the forests of this country, degrade the environment through mining activities and entangle ourselves in the production of raw cocoa beans to generate wealth and create employment in the country.
A little more investment in our human resources by improving upon sporting facilities will give a tremendous boost to sports development in the country.
We can take the development of soccer in the country to a more scientific level by establishing more football academies in many parts of the country to unearth more talents that abound all over the country.
These talents can be groomed to nourish the national league and later exported to play professional league in Europe and other parts of the world to bring hard cash into the country.
Apart from soccer, there are raw talents in other sporting fields that are waiting to be discovered and developed. What we need is a more serious approach to their development.
A standard basketball court, tennis court and boxing gym in every neighbourhood can turn the scale from joblessness and vulnerability to accomplished sportsmen and women prepared to rake in the millions of dollars beckoning them.
So far our success in football and boxing has been reliant on the natural talents of the young men and women with very little effort to add any scientific grooming. That is an indication that we can do better still on the international stage if we can make investment by way of expanding existing facilities and adding more at the regional and district levels to encourage the youth to take to sports which can easily make them competitive on the international market.
As the success story of the Black Satellites has proved, many years of galamsey, with its attendant dangers, can never bring the returns that a successful footballer, tennis player or boxer could bring to himself and his/her community.
The revival of the Academicals and other college sporting competitions could be the beginning of an aggressive sports development at the youth level.
Facilities at the community level will be a booster. That is why the neglect of the Azumah Nelson Sports Complex at Kaneshie is an apology for a country that claims to have made sports a cornerstone of its youth development policy.
fokofi@yahoo.co.uk
kofiakordor.blogspot.com
Sports and poverty elimination
By Kofi Akordor
THE euphoria of victory, especially in a major sporting event, can be very stimulating. And this explains why the country is still basking in the glory of lifting the FIFA Under-20 World Cup in far away Egypt. The victory in a way took away the nation’s pains over the Black Stars’ poor showing in the last two World Cup qualification matches.
The young men and their handlers who brought international glory to the country drove home brand new vehicles, which some of our top professionals, including medical officers and engineers, working in the public service would take probably their entire working life to acquire.
Apart from this, the Black Satellites players, having a bright future ahead of them, have been secured a solid foundation by the state with a GH¢10, 000 life insurance package each to mature between 10 and 15 years.
It must be stressed that this is just the beginning, coming from what could be described as locally-generated funds. There is more for them beyond, if they remain consistent and take their chosen careers seriously. Already we have been told that the star of the Egypt tournament, Dominic Adiyiah, has landed a lucrative signing with Italian Serie A giants, AC Milan.
In a short period of time, the lives of about 20 young players have undergone a dramatic change – a change that will take them and possibly other members of their families from poverty and place them in a world of wealth and prosperity.
If they play their cards well and manage their affairs with stringent discipline, their children will not trod the rough path they came from and their fortune will surely reflect on the lives of other people who are closely associated with them.
A few other sportsmen and women like Abedi Ayew Pele, Anthony Yeboah, Azumah Nelson, Ike Quartey and Samuel Osei Kufuor, who have taken the lead by undergoing positive social transformation in their lives, have proved that sports is no longer just a game but a profession, which holds the key to the social and economic emancipation of the youth of this country.
We have always heard of various strategies for job creation and poverty alleviation, which at the end of the day leave very little impact on the economy in general or brings just some solace to the large army of unemployed youth roaming the streets like zombies.
We cannot wait for the establishment of big factories to create employment for our youth because that day will never come.
Second, the factories alone cannot guarantee them decent living and a sound wealth since salaries will depend on various factors, including qualification, skills and market forces. Since most of these young men and women are unskilled, with some of them being stark illiterates, we may give them jobs without necessarily improving their social and economic conditions.
Out of desperation, the youth are engaging in all sorts of dangerous activities with devastating consequences just to make ends meet. About two weeks ago, the newspapers, including the Daily Graphic, had no option but to bring the full impact and dangers of illegal mining (galamsey) in pictures to Ghanaians. That was when 18 people, 14 of them women, lost their lives in a galamsey operation at Dompoase, near Wassa Akropong in the Western Region, which went tragic.
Internet fraud, which has gained notoriety as ‘Sakawa’ in local parlance and armed robbery are some of the evils eating into our social fabric, because as it is said, the devil finds work for idle hands.
Until the oil money begins to flow and the factories begin to spring up everywhere, we , as a nation, still have a pool of talents to exploit to make this nation prosperous and to make the youth useful to themselves and the nation. That is through the magic of sports.
It has now been proven that we do not need to destroy the forests of this country, degrade the environment through mining activities and entangle ourselves in the production of raw cocoa beans to generate wealth and create employment in the country. A little more investment in our human resources by improving upon sporting facilities will give a tremendous boost to sports development in the country.
We can take the development of soccer in the country to a more scientific level by establishing more football academies in many parts of the country to unearth more talents that abound all over the country. These talents can be groomed to nourish the national league and later exported to play professional league in Europe and other parts of the world to bring hard cash into the country.
Apart from soccer, there are raw talents in other sporting fields that are waiting to be discovered and developed. What we need is a more serious approach to their development. A standard basketball court, tennis court and boxing gym in every neighbourhood can turn the scale from joblessness and vulnerability to accomplished sportsmen and women prepared to rake in the millions of dollars beckoning them.
So far our success in football and boxing has been reliant on the natural talents of the young men and women with very little effort to add any scientific grooming. That is an indication that we can do better still on the international stage if we can make investment by way of expanding existing facilities and adding more at the regional and district levels to encourage the youth to take to sports which can easily make them competitive on the international market.
As the success story of the Black Satellites has proved, many years of galamsey, with its attendant dangers, can never bring the returns that a successful footballer, tennis player or boxer could bring to himself and his/her community.
The revival of the Academicals and other college sporting competitions could be the beginning of an aggressive sports development at the youth level. Facilities at the community level will be a booster. That is why the neglect of the Azumah Nelson Sports Complex at Kaneshie is an apology for a country that claims to have made sports a cornerstone of its youth development policy.
fokofi@yahoo.co.uk
kofiakordor.blogspot.com
THE euphoria of victory, especially in a major sporting event, can be very stimulating. And this explains why the country is still basking in the glory of lifting the FIFA Under-20 World Cup in far away Egypt. The victory in a way took away the nation’s pains over the Black Stars’ poor showing in the last two World Cup qualification matches.
The young men and their handlers who brought international glory to the country drove home brand new vehicles, which some of our top professionals, including medical officers and engineers, working in the public service would take probably their entire working life to acquire.
Apart from this, the Black Satellites players, having a bright future ahead of them, have been secured a solid foundation by the state with a GH¢10, 000 life insurance package each to mature between 10 and 15 years.
It must be stressed that this is just the beginning, coming from what could be described as locally-generated funds. There is more for them beyond, if they remain consistent and take their chosen careers seriously. Already we have been told that the star of the Egypt tournament, Dominic Adiyiah, has landed a lucrative signing with Italian Serie A giants, AC Milan.
In a short period of time, the lives of about 20 young players have undergone a dramatic change – a change that will take them and possibly other members of their families from poverty and place them in a world of wealth and prosperity.
If they play their cards well and manage their affairs with stringent discipline, their children will not trod the rough path they came from and their fortune will surely reflect on the lives of other people who are closely associated with them.
A few other sportsmen and women like Abedi Ayew Pele, Anthony Yeboah, Azumah Nelson, Ike Quartey and Samuel Osei Kufuor, who have taken the lead by undergoing positive social transformation in their lives, have proved that sports is no longer just a game but a profession, which holds the key to the social and economic emancipation of the youth of this country.
We have always heard of various strategies for job creation and poverty alleviation, which at the end of the day leave very little impact on the economy in general or brings just some solace to the large army of unemployed youth roaming the streets like zombies.
We cannot wait for the establishment of big factories to create employment for our youth because that day will never come.
Second, the factories alone cannot guarantee them decent living and a sound wealth since salaries will depend on various factors, including qualification, skills and market forces. Since most of these young men and women are unskilled, with some of them being stark illiterates, we may give them jobs without necessarily improving their social and economic conditions.
Out of desperation, the youth are engaging in all sorts of dangerous activities with devastating consequences just to make ends meet. About two weeks ago, the newspapers, including the Daily Graphic, had no option but to bring the full impact and dangers of illegal mining (galamsey) in pictures to Ghanaians. That was when 18 people, 14 of them women, lost their lives in a galamsey operation at Dompoase, near Wassa Akropong in the Western Region, which went tragic.
Internet fraud, which has gained notoriety as ‘Sakawa’ in local parlance and armed robbery are some of the evils eating into our social fabric, because as it is said, the devil finds work for idle hands.
Until the oil money begins to flow and the factories begin to spring up everywhere, we , as a nation, still have a pool of talents to exploit to make this nation prosperous and to make the youth useful to themselves and the nation. That is through the magic of sports.
It has now been proven that we do not need to destroy the forests of this country, degrade the environment through mining activities and entangle ourselves in the production of raw cocoa beans to generate wealth and create employment in the country. A little more investment in our human resources by improving upon sporting facilities will give a tremendous boost to sports development in the country.
We can take the development of soccer in the country to a more scientific level by establishing more football academies in many parts of the country to unearth more talents that abound all over the country. These talents can be groomed to nourish the national league and later exported to play professional league in Europe and other parts of the world to bring hard cash into the country.
Apart from soccer, there are raw talents in other sporting fields that are waiting to be discovered and developed. What we need is a more serious approach to their development. A standard basketball court, tennis court and boxing gym in every neighbourhood can turn the scale from joblessness and vulnerability to accomplished sportsmen and women prepared to rake in the millions of dollars beckoning them.
So far our success in football and boxing has been reliant on the natural talents of the young men and women with very little effort to add any scientific grooming. That is an indication that we can do better still on the international stage if we can make investment by way of expanding existing facilities and adding more at the regional and district levels to encourage the youth to take to sports which can easily make them competitive on the international market.
As the success story of the Black Satellites has proved, many years of galamsey, with its attendant dangers, can never bring the returns that a successful footballer, tennis player or boxer could bring to himself and his/her community.
The revival of the Academicals and other college sporting competitions could be the beginning of an aggressive sports development at the youth level. Facilities at the community level will be a booster. That is why the neglect of the Azumah Nelson Sports Complex at Kaneshie is an apology for a country that claims to have made sports a cornerstone of its youth development policy.
fokofi@yahoo.co.uk
kofiakordor.blogspot.com
Tuesday, November 17, 2009
WAITING FOR DISASTER TO STRIKE (NOV 17, PAGE 7)
ON Wednesday, October 14, 2009, Accra residents watched in hopeless awe as the 10-storey Ministry of Foreign Affairs building was in flames. It brought back sad memories of the events of September 11, 2001, during which the twin towers of the World Trade Centre (WTC) in New York came down under the impact of two aircraft which crashed into them.
Ours was a minor event; in fact, it pales into insignificance when compared to the WTC tragedy which claimed more than 3,000 lives in that suicide onslaught on the nerve centre of America’s economic and financial supremacy. All the same, by our standards, the Foreign Affairs building disaster was a national calamity.
The Americans suffered that painful loss not because they did not try. The magnitude and enormity of the problem was just overwhelming and far beyond human capability.
Most of the people who perished in the collapse of the twin towers were actually firemen who were racing to the upper floors of the building with all the accoutrements of their profession, when the vibration of the collapse of one of the buildings brought the other tumbling down in smoke and rubble, consuming all those inside and some of those outside the towers.
In our case, it started as a minor fire on the eighth floor of the 10-storey building. Our firemen and women responded with professional alacrity, got to the building and put all the training they have acquired over the years into display to save a vital national asset from the destructive effects of the inferno upstairs. But, alas, they were helpless.
They were outmanoeuvred and their incapability exposed. Our Foreign Affairs building which was but a dwarf compared with the WTC towers in New York, was too tall for our fire tenders to reach.
We were told that the only tender that came close to what was needed to put off the fire belongs to the Ghana Civil Aviation Authority but which, by international convention and the requirement of the International Civil Aviation Organisation ICAO), cannot leave the Kotoka International Airport, under no circumstances.
At the peak of the blaze, the desperate fire service personnel said they could do something if only and only if they could be availed of the services of a military helicopter.
Dear reader, do not laugh. This is a nation that had never prepared for any emergency situation. You can bet that the military will have its own challenges if the country were to come under a sudden attack. The authorities will tell you this would never happen, and that you can be sure of our response.
So it came to pass that all we could do was to wail, scream and rain insults on the innocent and hapless fire service men and women as the giant edifice which took more than 10 years to construct to get consumed by the fire and in a matter of minutes, reduced to ashes vital documents which had been stored on our foreign affairs transactions predating the colonial era.
Very often when there is a fire outbreak, fire service personnel get to the place either too late or with inadequate hydrant to fight the fire. Their lateness is mostly attributed to heavy traffic which impedes their movement or lack of access to the disaster zone because of bad planning. This is evident in most of the fire outbreaks in our major markets.
The greatest constraint on the operation of the Ghana National Fire Service is poor equipment. In the October 14, 2009 fire disaster, personnel of the service arrived at the Foreign Affairs building early enough to save the situation but were handicapped by poor equipment.
We know that over the last few years, a few buildings rising above five storeys have sprung up in Accra and a few other places. Naturally this development should have been factored in when equipping the Ghana National Fire Service.
Typically of us, we might not have even given a thought to it, might have brushed it aside with the excuse that there is no money and simply left everything to nature. Sometimes nature can be very cruel and that was what happened in the evening of Wednesday, October 14, 2009.
The immediate official reaction, as usual, is always to pour out lamentations and proceed with the setting up of committees and indulge in fault-finding.
Promises may be made to overhaul the fire service and to furnish it with modern fire fighting equipment to enable it to match the challenging demands. After the last embers have gone cold, the disaster is forgotten until another one strikes.
One of the objectives of the Volta River project was to enhance inland transportation using the huge man-made lake that has been formed behind the Akosombo Dam.
More than 40 years after the formation of the lake, water transportation is still primitive, left in the hands of a few private boat owners who operate under no rules.
Meanwhile, there are several communities along the lake whose only means of transport to and from the various market centres is via the lake. They have no option but to rely on these private boat operators.
Any time there is a disaster, which is a regular occurrence, the same statements that have been made a million times is repeated.
The first government official to reach the disaster area will not fail to tell Ghanaians the government’s determination to make lake transportation safe. This would be followed with talks of enforcing the rules on the type of boats to be used to ferry passengers and the insistence that passengers use life jackets.
Several times too, we have heard that tree stumps would be removed from the lake to make it safer for boat operators. These things are easily forgotten once the last body is lowered into the grave until another disaster occurs.
By now we should have made transportation on the Volta Lake into very lucrative and viable business to make the bulk movement of goods and people between the south and the north very easy. This could have eased the excessive reliance on road transportation between the south and the north.
Unfortunately, over the years we have paid lip service to lake transportation, just as we have done to other areas of national development.
The Volta Lake and the numerous islands dotted in it are a very important national asset capable of transforming the economic fortunes of this country in the areas of agriculture, fishing and tourism if our political leaders and policy makers will be a little proactive and do the right thing.
For now, the only time the lake comes into the national picture is when a boat capsizes on it and innocent lives are lost. The rains are gone and the dry season is approaching. Soon the country will be plunged into a season of bushfires. Thereafter we would be waiting so we are waiting for the next first rain drops to remind us of our choked drains then the cycle of remedial measures starts all over again.
The Foreign Affairs building is gone. Are we waiting for the Cedi House, the Pyramid Tower or the Trust Towers to suffer the same fate before we act?
fokofi@yahoo.co.uk
kofiakordor.blogspot.com
Ours was a minor event; in fact, it pales into insignificance when compared to the WTC tragedy which claimed more than 3,000 lives in that suicide onslaught on the nerve centre of America’s economic and financial supremacy. All the same, by our standards, the Foreign Affairs building disaster was a national calamity.
The Americans suffered that painful loss not because they did not try. The magnitude and enormity of the problem was just overwhelming and far beyond human capability.
Most of the people who perished in the collapse of the twin towers were actually firemen who were racing to the upper floors of the building with all the accoutrements of their profession, when the vibration of the collapse of one of the buildings brought the other tumbling down in smoke and rubble, consuming all those inside and some of those outside the towers.
In our case, it started as a minor fire on the eighth floor of the 10-storey building. Our firemen and women responded with professional alacrity, got to the building and put all the training they have acquired over the years into display to save a vital national asset from the destructive effects of the inferno upstairs. But, alas, they were helpless.
They were outmanoeuvred and their incapability exposed. Our Foreign Affairs building which was but a dwarf compared with the WTC towers in New York, was too tall for our fire tenders to reach.
We were told that the only tender that came close to what was needed to put off the fire belongs to the Ghana Civil Aviation Authority but which, by international convention and the requirement of the International Civil Aviation Organisation ICAO), cannot leave the Kotoka International Airport, under no circumstances.
At the peak of the blaze, the desperate fire service personnel said they could do something if only and only if they could be availed of the services of a military helicopter.
Dear reader, do not laugh. This is a nation that had never prepared for any emergency situation. You can bet that the military will have its own challenges if the country were to come under a sudden attack. The authorities will tell you this would never happen, and that you can be sure of our response.
So it came to pass that all we could do was to wail, scream and rain insults on the innocent and hapless fire service men and women as the giant edifice which took more than 10 years to construct to get consumed by the fire and in a matter of minutes, reduced to ashes vital documents which had been stored on our foreign affairs transactions predating the colonial era.
Very often when there is a fire outbreak, fire service personnel get to the place either too late or with inadequate hydrant to fight the fire. Their lateness is mostly attributed to heavy traffic which impedes their movement or lack of access to the disaster zone because of bad planning. This is evident in most of the fire outbreaks in our major markets.
The greatest constraint on the operation of the Ghana National Fire Service is poor equipment. In the October 14, 2009 fire disaster, personnel of the service arrived at the Foreign Affairs building early enough to save the situation but were handicapped by poor equipment.
We know that over the last few years, a few buildings rising above five storeys have sprung up in Accra and a few other places. Naturally this development should have been factored in when equipping the Ghana National Fire Service.
Typically of us, we might not have even given a thought to it, might have brushed it aside with the excuse that there is no money and simply left everything to nature. Sometimes nature can be very cruel and that was what happened in the evening of Wednesday, October 14, 2009.
The immediate official reaction, as usual, is always to pour out lamentations and proceed with the setting up of committees and indulge in fault-finding.
Promises may be made to overhaul the fire service and to furnish it with modern fire fighting equipment to enable it to match the challenging demands. After the last embers have gone cold, the disaster is forgotten until another one strikes.
One of the objectives of the Volta River project was to enhance inland transportation using the huge man-made lake that has been formed behind the Akosombo Dam.
More than 40 years after the formation of the lake, water transportation is still primitive, left in the hands of a few private boat owners who operate under no rules.
Meanwhile, there are several communities along the lake whose only means of transport to and from the various market centres is via the lake. They have no option but to rely on these private boat operators.
Any time there is a disaster, which is a regular occurrence, the same statements that have been made a million times is repeated.
The first government official to reach the disaster area will not fail to tell Ghanaians the government’s determination to make lake transportation safe. This would be followed with talks of enforcing the rules on the type of boats to be used to ferry passengers and the insistence that passengers use life jackets.
Several times too, we have heard that tree stumps would be removed from the lake to make it safer for boat operators. These things are easily forgotten once the last body is lowered into the grave until another disaster occurs.
By now we should have made transportation on the Volta Lake into very lucrative and viable business to make the bulk movement of goods and people between the south and the north very easy. This could have eased the excessive reliance on road transportation between the south and the north.
Unfortunately, over the years we have paid lip service to lake transportation, just as we have done to other areas of national development.
The Volta Lake and the numerous islands dotted in it are a very important national asset capable of transforming the economic fortunes of this country in the areas of agriculture, fishing and tourism if our political leaders and policy makers will be a little proactive and do the right thing.
For now, the only time the lake comes into the national picture is when a boat capsizes on it and innocent lives are lost. The rains are gone and the dry season is approaching. Soon the country will be plunged into a season of bushfires. Thereafter we would be waiting so we are waiting for the next first rain drops to remind us of our choked drains then the cycle of remedial measures starts all over again.
The Foreign Affairs building is gone. Are we waiting for the Cedi House, the Pyramid Tower or the Trust Towers to suffer the same fate before we act?
fokofi@yahoo.co.uk
kofiakordor.blogspot.com
Tuesday, November 10, 2009
BLAME NOT THE ADVERTISERS (NOV 10)
Occasionally we hear protests from some militant women’s groups complaining about the portrayal of women as sex symbols by advertisers and corporate institutions which exploit the female body for commercial purposes.
There is also this complaint against what has been described as stereotyping that reinforces the perception that the only place for women at home is the kitchen, that is, if they are preparing the meals, or at the far corner of the bed making babies.
The matter would not die any time soon.
Last week, the Ministry of Women and Children’s Affairs (MOWAC), in a statement, expressed concern about the use of the media for advertisements that tended to show women as being less competent than men, thus, diminishing the dignity, value and accomplishments of successful women.
The statement blamed advertising agencies and corporate bodies for continuing to highlight those negative gender stereotypes in advertisements on products and services in the media.
These are serious and genuine concerns that deserve the attention of both men and women of goodwill who care for gender balance and equality and who want to see more of our women at the forefront of policy-making and implementation for the betterment of society.
The question, however, is, do we put all the blame at the doorstep of advertisers and corporate organisations for the continued portrayal of women as sex symbols, commercial objects and all other negative perceptions held about them?
No one is denying the fact that in our cultural setting, especially in the past, women were given minor roles to play in societal affairs. Even in that case, some of the decisions were informed by the perceived weaker physical disposition of women.
With better education and modernisation, women have now crossed many of the barriers which served as impediments to their path to emancipation and development.
Admittedly, there are pockets of resistance to this trend in some parts of the country where certain age-old traditions and cultural practices continue to stifle development and suppress the freedoms of women.
However, it must be said that generally or, at least, officially, women have had equal opportunities as their male counterparts to excel in many of the fields of endeavour they aspire to. The laws of the land do not frown upon the progress of women or discriminate against them, and, therefore, it can be said that at the state level, there is a fairly level ground for both men and women to advance in their chosen professions.
In our country, the problems confronting the girl-child are not much different from those confronting the boy-child. Both suffer from poor and irresponsible parenting, low family income and poor or inadequate educational facilities.
What women should seriously address is those psychological barriers which continue to make most of them feel inferior to men. Women, notwithstanding the achievements of some in all fields, continue to make demands for special or extra attention before they could make progress in their lives. With such a mentality, many do not want to go the extra mile in the search of self-redemption and the few that are able to make it sometimes leave clouds of doubt about their capabilities.
A few years ago, a renowned female educationalist, who had attained the highest level of learning as a professor in academia, suggested that the university entry grade for women should be lowered so that more women could gain access to university education.
That was a typical way of downgrading the capability of women and making them look inferior to their male counterparts. If that suggestion were to become a national policy, how do we make a case for equality between the two sexes? Incidentally, there are a lot of women who, in their own right and through their own efforts, have excelled in various spheres of life, including academia, business, public service, showbiz, etc.
On the exploitation of women for commercial purposes, women have to take a critical look at themselves and find out whether they have not directly or by inference made themselves commodities to be bought by the highest bidder?
Why are our women consumed by beauty contests that have so grown in numbers that these days they seem to be part of the academic calendar of our tertiary institutions? Indeed beauty contests have found their way into churches of all places.
Why should our future doctors, nurses, lawyers, journalists, scientists and many more be so willing to parade on stage half nude to the cameras in the name of beauty contests when they should be devouring volumes of literature that would transform their personal lives and bring honour and development to this nation tomorrow? And why should anybody blame event organisers and sponsors who cash in to market their commodities?
If young women chose to dance naked in video clips for the sake of musical works and alcoholic beverages, they can choose to avoid commercialising their bodies, if they care.
I am yet to see any of the women’s advocacy groups coming strongly against beauty contests, which do nothing but debase womanhood and reduce women to sex and commercial objects.
Those activists at the MOWAC should tell the rest of us what contribution beauty contests bring to national development and in what way they enhance the image of women as our mothers and future leaders.
When an educational institution with a strong religious inclination tried to enforce a dress code for its students, including females, some respectable women in society came out pontificating on human rights, personal liberties and freedoms to do anything, including the freedom to walk half-naked in public and on university campuses in defence of the appalling dressing habit of our young women in the name of fashion and modernity. Visit the university and polytechnic campuses and you will see aspiring intellectuals parading half-naked in the name of cultural liberation.
We still have a long-drawn battle to fight to rid society of certain obnoxious and oppressive cultural practices such as widowhood rites, which inflict severe hardships on women and deprive them of their dignity. A lot of these things cannot be stopped by legislation since they are practices deeply embedded in the cultural beliefs of the people. It is, therefore, up to our traditional authorities to relax the conditions of some of these practices or abolish them completely, whatever their historical origins.
The biggest task, however, rests with women themselves, who must come out of their psychological enclave, where they think their survival must come from outside. That orphaned posture adopted by women, always calling for support to do this or to do that, will only perpetuate their servitude to society. They must come out boldly and assert themselves. There is no need especially for women who want to venture into mainstream politics to continue to live in the shadows of men.
The beginning of this total emancipation and affirmative action should reflect in the manner women view beauty contests and other demeaning enterprises which add very little to their image.
Putting the blame on advertising agencies and corporate institutions will not solve the problem. It is for women to decide whether they want to be displayed as commodities on the open market or not. It is for them to determine whether their bodies are for sale or not.
And unless we are told that the advertised bodies were forced into those adverts, it is entirely the choice of women to be part or not part of commercial commodities on sale to the general public. They must look within and the remedy will not be too far away.
fokofi@yahoo.co.uk
Kofiakordor.blogspot.com
There is also this complaint against what has been described as stereotyping that reinforces the perception that the only place for women at home is the kitchen, that is, if they are preparing the meals, or at the far corner of the bed making babies.
The matter would not die any time soon.
Last week, the Ministry of Women and Children’s Affairs (MOWAC), in a statement, expressed concern about the use of the media for advertisements that tended to show women as being less competent than men, thus, diminishing the dignity, value and accomplishments of successful women.
The statement blamed advertising agencies and corporate bodies for continuing to highlight those negative gender stereotypes in advertisements on products and services in the media.
These are serious and genuine concerns that deserve the attention of both men and women of goodwill who care for gender balance and equality and who want to see more of our women at the forefront of policy-making and implementation for the betterment of society.
The question, however, is, do we put all the blame at the doorstep of advertisers and corporate organisations for the continued portrayal of women as sex symbols, commercial objects and all other negative perceptions held about them?
No one is denying the fact that in our cultural setting, especially in the past, women were given minor roles to play in societal affairs. Even in that case, some of the decisions were informed by the perceived weaker physical disposition of women.
With better education and modernisation, women have now crossed many of the barriers which served as impediments to their path to emancipation and development.
Admittedly, there are pockets of resistance to this trend in some parts of the country where certain age-old traditions and cultural practices continue to stifle development and suppress the freedoms of women.
However, it must be said that generally or, at least, officially, women have had equal opportunities as their male counterparts to excel in many of the fields of endeavour they aspire to. The laws of the land do not frown upon the progress of women or discriminate against them, and, therefore, it can be said that at the state level, there is a fairly level ground for both men and women to advance in their chosen professions.
In our country, the problems confronting the girl-child are not much different from those confronting the boy-child. Both suffer from poor and irresponsible parenting, low family income and poor or inadequate educational facilities.
What women should seriously address is those psychological barriers which continue to make most of them feel inferior to men. Women, notwithstanding the achievements of some in all fields, continue to make demands for special or extra attention before they could make progress in their lives. With such a mentality, many do not want to go the extra mile in the search of self-redemption and the few that are able to make it sometimes leave clouds of doubt about their capabilities.
A few years ago, a renowned female educationalist, who had attained the highest level of learning as a professor in academia, suggested that the university entry grade for women should be lowered so that more women could gain access to university education.
That was a typical way of downgrading the capability of women and making them look inferior to their male counterparts. If that suggestion were to become a national policy, how do we make a case for equality between the two sexes? Incidentally, there are a lot of women who, in their own right and through their own efforts, have excelled in various spheres of life, including academia, business, public service, showbiz, etc.
On the exploitation of women for commercial purposes, women have to take a critical look at themselves and find out whether they have not directly or by inference made themselves commodities to be bought by the highest bidder?
Why are our women consumed by beauty contests that have so grown in numbers that these days they seem to be part of the academic calendar of our tertiary institutions? Indeed beauty contests have found their way into churches of all places.
Why should our future doctors, nurses, lawyers, journalists, scientists and many more be so willing to parade on stage half nude to the cameras in the name of beauty contests when they should be devouring volumes of literature that would transform their personal lives and bring honour and development to this nation tomorrow? And why should anybody blame event organisers and sponsors who cash in to market their commodities?
If young women chose to dance naked in video clips for the sake of musical works and alcoholic beverages, they can choose to avoid commercialising their bodies, if they care.
I am yet to see any of the women’s advocacy groups coming strongly against beauty contests, which do nothing but debase womanhood and reduce women to sex and commercial objects.
Those activists at the MOWAC should tell the rest of us what contribution beauty contests bring to national development and in what way they enhance the image of women as our mothers and future leaders.
When an educational institution with a strong religious inclination tried to enforce a dress code for its students, including females, some respectable women in society came out pontificating on human rights, personal liberties and freedoms to do anything, including the freedom to walk half-naked in public and on university campuses in defence of the appalling dressing habit of our young women in the name of fashion and modernity. Visit the university and polytechnic campuses and you will see aspiring intellectuals parading half-naked in the name of cultural liberation.
We still have a long-drawn battle to fight to rid society of certain obnoxious and oppressive cultural practices such as widowhood rites, which inflict severe hardships on women and deprive them of their dignity. A lot of these things cannot be stopped by legislation since they are practices deeply embedded in the cultural beliefs of the people. It is, therefore, up to our traditional authorities to relax the conditions of some of these practices or abolish them completely, whatever their historical origins.
The biggest task, however, rests with women themselves, who must come out of their psychological enclave, where they think their survival must come from outside. That orphaned posture adopted by women, always calling for support to do this or to do that, will only perpetuate their servitude to society. They must come out boldly and assert themselves. There is no need especially for women who want to venture into mainstream politics to continue to live in the shadows of men.
The beginning of this total emancipation and affirmative action should reflect in the manner women view beauty contests and other demeaning enterprises which add very little to their image.
Putting the blame on advertising agencies and corporate institutions will not solve the problem. It is for women to decide whether they want to be displayed as commodities on the open market or not. It is for them to determine whether their bodies are for sale or not.
And unless we are told that the advertised bodies were forced into those adverts, it is entirely the choice of women to be part or not part of commercial commodities on sale to the general public. They must look within and the remedy will not be too far away.
fokofi@yahoo.co.uk
Kofiakordor.blogspot.com
Blame not the advertisers
By Kofi Akordor
Occasionally we hear protests from some militant women’s groups complaining about the portrayal of women as sex symbols by advertisers and corporate institutions which exploit the female body for commercial purposes. There is also this complaint against what has been described as stereotyping that reinforces the perception that the only place for women at home is the kitchen, that is, if they are preparing the meals, or at the far corner of the bed making babies.
The matter would not die any time soon.
Last week, the Ministry of Women and Children’s Affairs (MOWAC), in a statement, expressed concern about the use of the media for advertisements that tended to show women as being less competent than men, thus, diminishing the dignity, value and accomplishments of successful women.
The statement blamed advertising agencies and corporate bodies for continuing to highlight those negative gender stereotypes in advertisements on products and services in the media.
These are serious and genuine concerns that deserve the attention of both men and women of goodwill who care for gender balance and equality and who want to see more of our women at the forefront of policy-making and implementation for the betterment of society.
The question, however, is, do we put all the blame at the doorstep of advertisers and corporate organisations for the continued portrayal of women as sex symbols, commercial objects and all other negative perceptions held about them?
No one is denying the fact that in our cultural setting, especially in the past, women were given minor roles to play in societal affairs. Even in that case, some of the decisions were informed by the perceived weaker physical disposition of women.
With better education and modernisation, women have now crossed many of the barriers which served as impediments on their path to emancipation and development. Admittedly, there are pockets of resistance to this trend in some parts of the country where certain age-old traditions and cultural practices continue to stifle development and suppress the freedoms of women.
However, it must be said that generally or, at least, officially, women have had equal opportunities as their male counterparts to excel in many of the fields of endeavour they aspire to. The laws of the land do not frown upon the progress of women or discriminate against them, and, therefore, it can be said that at the state level, there is a fairly level ground for both men and women to advance in their chosen professions.
In our country, the problems confronting the girl-child are not much different from those confronting the boy-child. Both suffer from poor and irresponsible parenting, low family income and poor or inadequate educational facilities.
What women should seriously address is those psychological barriers which continue to make most of them feel inferior to men. Women, notwithstanding the achievements of some in all fields, continue to make demands for special or extra attention before they could make progress in their lives. With such a mentality, many do not want to go the extra mile in the search of self-redemption and the few that are able to make it sometimes leave clouds of doubt about their capabilities.
A few years ago, a renowned female educationalist, who had attained the highest level of learning as a professor in academia, suggested that the university entry grade for women should be lowered so that more women could gain access to university education. That was a typical way of downgrading the capability of women and making them look inferior to their male counterparts. If that suggestion were to become a national policy, how do we make a case for equality between the two sexes? Incidentally, there are a lot of women who, in their own right and through their own efforts, have excelled in various spheres of life, including academia, business, public service, showbiz, etc.
On the exploitation of women for commercial purposes, women have to take a critical look at themselves and find out whether they have not directly or by inference made themselves commodities to be bought by the highest bidder? Why are our women consumed by beauty contests that have so grown in numbers that these days they seem to be part of the academic calendar of our tertiary institutions? Indeed beauty contests have found their way into churches of all places.
Why should our future doctors, nurses, lawyers, journalists, scientists and many more be so willing to parade on stage half nude to the cameras in the name of beauty contests when they should be devouring volumes of literature that would transform their personal lives and bring honour and development to this nation tomorrow? And why should anybody blame event organisers and sponsors who cash in to market their commodities? If young women chose to dance naked in video clips for the sake of musical works and alcoholic beverages, they can choose to avoid commercialising their bodies, if they care.
I am yet to see any of the women’s advocacy groups coming strongly against beauty contests, which do nothing but debase womanhood and reduce women to sex and commercial objects. Those activists at the MOWAC should tell the rest of us what contribution beauty contests bring to national development and in what way they enhance the image of women as our mothers and future leaders.
When an educational institution with a strong religious inclination tried to enforce a dress code for its students, including females, some respectable women in society came out pontificating on human rights, personal liberties and freedoms to do anything, including the freedom to walk half-naked in public and on university campuses in defence of the appalling dressing habit of our young women in the name of fashion and modernity. Visit the university and polytechnic campuses and you will see aspiring intellectuals parading half-naked in the name of cultural liberation.
We still have a long-drawn battle to fight to rid society of certain obnoxious and oppressive cultural practices such as widowhood rites, which inflict severe hardships on women and deprive them of their dignity. A lot of these things cannot be stopped by legislation since they are practices deeply embedded in the cultural beliefs of the people. It is, therefore, up to our traditional authorities to relax the conditions of some of these practices or abolish them completely, whatever their historical origins.
The biggest task, however, rests with women themselves, who must come out of their psychological enclave, where they think their survival must come from outside. That orphaned posture adopted by women, always calling for support to do this or to do that, will only perpetuate their servitude to society. They must come out boldly and assert themselves. There is no need especially for women who want to venture into mainstream politics to continue to live in the shadows of men.
The beginning of this total emancipation and affirmative action should reflect in the manner women view beauty contests and other demeaning enterprises which add very little to their image.
Putting the blame on advertising agencies and corporate institutions will not solve the problem. It is for women to decide whether they want to be displayed as commodities on the open market or not. It is for them to determine whether their bodies are for sale or not. And unless we are told that the advertised bodies were forced into those adverts, it is entirely the choice of women to be part or not part of commercial commodities on sale to the general public. They must look within and the remedy will not be too far away.
fokofi@yahoo.co.uk
Kofiakordor.blogspot.com
Occasionally we hear protests from some militant women’s groups complaining about the portrayal of women as sex symbols by advertisers and corporate institutions which exploit the female body for commercial purposes. There is also this complaint against what has been described as stereotyping that reinforces the perception that the only place for women at home is the kitchen, that is, if they are preparing the meals, or at the far corner of the bed making babies.
The matter would not die any time soon.
Last week, the Ministry of Women and Children’s Affairs (MOWAC), in a statement, expressed concern about the use of the media for advertisements that tended to show women as being less competent than men, thus, diminishing the dignity, value and accomplishments of successful women.
The statement blamed advertising agencies and corporate bodies for continuing to highlight those negative gender stereotypes in advertisements on products and services in the media.
These are serious and genuine concerns that deserve the attention of both men and women of goodwill who care for gender balance and equality and who want to see more of our women at the forefront of policy-making and implementation for the betterment of society.
The question, however, is, do we put all the blame at the doorstep of advertisers and corporate organisations for the continued portrayal of women as sex symbols, commercial objects and all other negative perceptions held about them?
No one is denying the fact that in our cultural setting, especially in the past, women were given minor roles to play in societal affairs. Even in that case, some of the decisions were informed by the perceived weaker physical disposition of women.
With better education and modernisation, women have now crossed many of the barriers which served as impediments on their path to emancipation and development. Admittedly, there are pockets of resistance to this trend in some parts of the country where certain age-old traditions and cultural practices continue to stifle development and suppress the freedoms of women.
However, it must be said that generally or, at least, officially, women have had equal opportunities as their male counterparts to excel in many of the fields of endeavour they aspire to. The laws of the land do not frown upon the progress of women or discriminate against them, and, therefore, it can be said that at the state level, there is a fairly level ground for both men and women to advance in their chosen professions.
In our country, the problems confronting the girl-child are not much different from those confronting the boy-child. Both suffer from poor and irresponsible parenting, low family income and poor or inadequate educational facilities.
What women should seriously address is those psychological barriers which continue to make most of them feel inferior to men. Women, notwithstanding the achievements of some in all fields, continue to make demands for special or extra attention before they could make progress in their lives. With such a mentality, many do not want to go the extra mile in the search of self-redemption and the few that are able to make it sometimes leave clouds of doubt about their capabilities.
A few years ago, a renowned female educationalist, who had attained the highest level of learning as a professor in academia, suggested that the university entry grade for women should be lowered so that more women could gain access to university education. That was a typical way of downgrading the capability of women and making them look inferior to their male counterparts. If that suggestion were to become a national policy, how do we make a case for equality between the two sexes? Incidentally, there are a lot of women who, in their own right and through their own efforts, have excelled in various spheres of life, including academia, business, public service, showbiz, etc.
On the exploitation of women for commercial purposes, women have to take a critical look at themselves and find out whether they have not directly or by inference made themselves commodities to be bought by the highest bidder? Why are our women consumed by beauty contests that have so grown in numbers that these days they seem to be part of the academic calendar of our tertiary institutions? Indeed beauty contests have found their way into churches of all places.
Why should our future doctors, nurses, lawyers, journalists, scientists and many more be so willing to parade on stage half nude to the cameras in the name of beauty contests when they should be devouring volumes of literature that would transform their personal lives and bring honour and development to this nation tomorrow? And why should anybody blame event organisers and sponsors who cash in to market their commodities? If young women chose to dance naked in video clips for the sake of musical works and alcoholic beverages, they can choose to avoid commercialising their bodies, if they care.
I am yet to see any of the women’s advocacy groups coming strongly against beauty contests, which do nothing but debase womanhood and reduce women to sex and commercial objects. Those activists at the MOWAC should tell the rest of us what contribution beauty contests bring to national development and in what way they enhance the image of women as our mothers and future leaders.
When an educational institution with a strong religious inclination tried to enforce a dress code for its students, including females, some respectable women in society came out pontificating on human rights, personal liberties and freedoms to do anything, including the freedom to walk half-naked in public and on university campuses in defence of the appalling dressing habit of our young women in the name of fashion and modernity. Visit the university and polytechnic campuses and you will see aspiring intellectuals parading half-naked in the name of cultural liberation.
We still have a long-drawn battle to fight to rid society of certain obnoxious and oppressive cultural practices such as widowhood rites, which inflict severe hardships on women and deprive them of their dignity. A lot of these things cannot be stopped by legislation since they are practices deeply embedded in the cultural beliefs of the people. It is, therefore, up to our traditional authorities to relax the conditions of some of these practices or abolish them completely, whatever their historical origins.
The biggest task, however, rests with women themselves, who must come out of their psychological enclave, where they think their survival must come from outside. That orphaned posture adopted by women, always calling for support to do this or to do that, will only perpetuate their servitude to society. They must come out boldly and assert themselves. There is no need especially for women who want to venture into mainstream politics to continue to live in the shadows of men.
The beginning of this total emancipation and affirmative action should reflect in the manner women view beauty contests and other demeaning enterprises which add very little to their image.
Putting the blame on advertising agencies and corporate institutions will not solve the problem. It is for women to decide whether they want to be displayed as commodities on the open market or not. It is for them to determine whether their bodies are for sale or not. And unless we are told that the advertised bodies were forced into those adverts, it is entirely the choice of women to be part or not part of commercial commodities on sale to the general public. They must look within and the remedy will not be too far away.
fokofi@yahoo.co.uk
Kofiakordor.blogspot.com
Wednesday, November 4, 2009
IS THE NATIONAL SERVICE SCHEME DRIFTING OFF COURSE? (NOV 3)
THE beginning of every national service year witnesses a frenzy of activity at the National Service Secretariat.
The reason being that postings are taking place and parents and prospective national service persons apply all the tricks up their sleeves and pull all the strings available to them to get postings to areas that will make them comfortable or to avoid areas that have become more or less like prison camps.
The exercise of making postings is not something anyone should envy as every officer, from the Executive Director to the district directors come under severe pressure to satisfy ministers, board members, neighbours, friends, relatives, church members and of course party bigwigs whose big eyes and long arms are always watching and pulling strings in the whole process.
The question is, why should national service postings become such a huge burden for the managers of the scheme? On the other hand, why should national service postings to certain parts of the country or to certain institutions be seen as wicked and callous acts on the part of the managers?
In trying to answer these questions, we need to trace the origins of the scheme which was introduced by the National Redemption Council (NRC) under General Ignatus Kutu Acheampong. This was backed the National Service Scheme Decree, (NRCD 208) of 1973. This was later repealed and replaced by the Ghana National Service Scheme Act (Act 426) of 1980, which was enacted by Parliament under the Third Republican Constitution.
The principles and objectives of the service, however, remain the same. Right from its inception, the scheme has as its core objectives, been encouraging the spirit of national service among the youth in the effort of nation-building; to undertake projects designed to combat hunger, illiteracy, disease and unemployment; help provide essential services and amenities particularly in towns and villages of the rural areas; to develop skilled manpower through practical training; and to promote national unity and strengthen the bonds of common citizenship among Ghanaians.
Initially, the law made it compulsory for students of the three state universities, namely the University of Ghana, Legon; the University of Science and Technology (UST), Kumasi, now the Kwame Nkrumah University of Science and Technology (KNUST) and the University of Cape Coast (UCC) to do one-year national service after graduation.
The duration of the service persons changed to two years after disturbances in the country’s universities in 1983 forced the authorities to close them down for nearly one academic year. Since there were no fresh admissions in 1984 when the universities were re-opened, Sixth Formers were also drafted into the national service scheme. This was a tactical move to clear the backlog of sixth form students who were stranded because they could not enter the universities.
The number of service personnel has swelled up over the years as a result of the addition of graduates of other tertiary institutions including the new state universities, the polytechnics and the numerous private universities that are springing up everyday. This year for example, the scheme is deploying 60,700 service personnel throughout the country.
With the passage of time, the scheme started to make a gradual shift from its core objectives stated earlier to become more or less an employment avenue for the thousands of youth who graduate each year from the country’s tertiary institutions. The scheme, it is becoming clearer by the day, is no longer a call to national duty, but an opportunity to make money and possibly gain employment after the service period. That is why there is that mad scramble for juicy places in the towns and cities where national service duties are least needed, as against the rural communities and other depraved sectors of national development which are drained of human resources.
The scheme, if we are to go back to its core objectives, exists to mobilise and deploy young people of 18 years and above on national priority development programmes that contribute to improving the quality of life of the ordinary Ghanaian. How do we attain this national goal, if service personnel are deployed in offices in Accra and other big towns where they do very little during their service period?
Another important aspect of the objectives was the promotion of national unity and strengthening the bonds of common citizenship among Ghanaians. How do we achieve this noble objective of national integration if Ghanaians are not prepared to do national service in certain parts of the country?
In a press statement to mark this year’s national service postings, the Executive Secretary, Mr Vincent Senam Kuagbenu, reiterated that, “The development issues which ignited the spontaneous response of students and the general public to readily accept the concept of national service four decades ago and availed themselves to offer service to the nation are still very relevant”.
Mr Kuagbenu stirred the hornet’s nest recently when he declared that newly-trained medical officers are also to do national service as demanded under the Ghana National Service Scheme Act. This was apparently to address the deficiency in health personnel, especially nurses and doctors in most of the country’s health facilities in the rural areas.
The Executive Secretary of the National Service Scheme was only stating the obvious as prescribed by law but which has been ignored over the years, and many were those who were quick to raise issues with his position.
Life in the rural areas is not only stagnant but very repulsive because of the harsh conditions there. Many of their schools lack qualified and good teachers. Many of their medical facilities are without the full complement of staff.
There are a lot of classrooms, clinics and other social infrastructure which need to be constructed. These need not necessarily be put to tender and create room for corruption, delays and shoddy work. Communities in the rural areas are ready and prepared to do anything to improve their lives if only the government will give them a slight push. They will welcome the supply of building materials and the presence of national service personnel and with local artisans in abundance; build their own classroom blocks, clinics, community centres and many. They can even build their own small irrigation canals for their farms with the support of national service personnel. The Dawhenya Irrigation Project which was executed by students when Colonel George Bernasko was in charge of agriculture proves that point.
If the dream of the originators of the national service scheme about four decades were allowed to crystallise, a lot of our rural communities would have been transformed with better infrastructure including classrooms, clinics, water systems, recreational facilities and many more. Then the national service would have served its purpose of inculcating the spirit of nationalism and patriotism in the youth; it would have garnered the skills and energies of the youth into national development and by settling among the people, working with them, sharing in their communal life and by mixing with the youth from other parts of the country, the target of national integration would have been in sight if not achieved already.
The recent outcry over the national service postings only goes to illustrate how the scheme has been prostituted over the years to become a mere employment agency with very little touch of national service.
How do people do national service working in the banks and hotels in Accra and other big towns? What is national about those services? So if we allow some Ghanaians to work in glittering offices in Accra and the big towns, how do we justify the posting of other Ghanaians to rural communities to work under harsh conditions when at the end of the day, the national service certificate will be the same for the two categories of service personnel?
We are all guilty for the various roles we played in steering the scheme off its original course. Those to take the biggest blame are those powerful men and women in government and other high places who do not want their children to leave the comfort of their homes to do national service where their services are crucially needed.
Many Americans, Europeans and Japanese have left their relatively far better conditions in their countries to come here and serve our people in their poor communities. Why do we have many excuses for not rendering national service where it is needed most?
This year, a bold attempt was made to come close to what the scheme was originally meant to be, for which the Executive Director needs to be commended even though this was met with the chagrin of some people. An attempt to introduce military training into the scheme in the past was met with resistance, even though, today, as we battle with the menace of armed robbery many Ghanaians would wish that they were in a position to defend themselves when they come under attack from these miscreants.
The national service scheme is a noble one and many countries have used it not only for nation building but also for social integration. Our national service scheme can also achieve the desired effects if we can go back to its core objectives which are as relevant today as they were yesterday.
The scheme must, therefore, discourage posting service personnel to the cities and big towns and concentrate on rural development. That also means the scheme must aim at becoming an autonomous institution that could camp its personnel at specific project sites so that service personnel do not use lack of accommodation and other logistics to avoid serving their nation.
fokofi@yahoo.co.uk
kofiakordor.blogspot.com
The reason being that postings are taking place and parents and prospective national service persons apply all the tricks up their sleeves and pull all the strings available to them to get postings to areas that will make them comfortable or to avoid areas that have become more or less like prison camps.
The exercise of making postings is not something anyone should envy as every officer, from the Executive Director to the district directors come under severe pressure to satisfy ministers, board members, neighbours, friends, relatives, church members and of course party bigwigs whose big eyes and long arms are always watching and pulling strings in the whole process.
The question is, why should national service postings become such a huge burden for the managers of the scheme? On the other hand, why should national service postings to certain parts of the country or to certain institutions be seen as wicked and callous acts on the part of the managers?
In trying to answer these questions, we need to trace the origins of the scheme which was introduced by the National Redemption Council (NRC) under General Ignatus Kutu Acheampong. This was backed the National Service Scheme Decree, (NRCD 208) of 1973. This was later repealed and replaced by the Ghana National Service Scheme Act (Act 426) of 1980, which was enacted by Parliament under the Third Republican Constitution.
The principles and objectives of the service, however, remain the same. Right from its inception, the scheme has as its core objectives, been encouraging the spirit of national service among the youth in the effort of nation-building; to undertake projects designed to combat hunger, illiteracy, disease and unemployment; help provide essential services and amenities particularly in towns and villages of the rural areas; to develop skilled manpower through practical training; and to promote national unity and strengthen the bonds of common citizenship among Ghanaians.
Initially, the law made it compulsory for students of the three state universities, namely the University of Ghana, Legon; the University of Science and Technology (UST), Kumasi, now the Kwame Nkrumah University of Science and Technology (KNUST) and the University of Cape Coast (UCC) to do one-year national service after graduation.
The duration of the service persons changed to two years after disturbances in the country’s universities in 1983 forced the authorities to close them down for nearly one academic year. Since there were no fresh admissions in 1984 when the universities were re-opened, Sixth Formers were also drafted into the national service scheme. This was a tactical move to clear the backlog of sixth form students who were stranded because they could not enter the universities.
The number of service personnel has swelled up over the years as a result of the addition of graduates of other tertiary institutions including the new state universities, the polytechnics and the numerous private universities that are springing up everyday. This year for example, the scheme is deploying 60,700 service personnel throughout the country.
With the passage of time, the scheme started to make a gradual shift from its core objectives stated earlier to become more or less an employment avenue for the thousands of youth who graduate each year from the country’s tertiary institutions. The scheme, it is becoming clearer by the day, is no longer a call to national duty, but an opportunity to make money and possibly gain employment after the service period. That is why there is that mad scramble for juicy places in the towns and cities where national service duties are least needed, as against the rural communities and other depraved sectors of national development which are drained of human resources.
The scheme, if we are to go back to its core objectives, exists to mobilise and deploy young people of 18 years and above on national priority development programmes that contribute to improving the quality of life of the ordinary Ghanaian. How do we attain this national goal, if service personnel are deployed in offices in Accra and other big towns where they do very little during their service period?
Another important aspect of the objectives was the promotion of national unity and strengthening the bonds of common citizenship among Ghanaians. How do we achieve this noble objective of national integration if Ghanaians are not prepared to do national service in certain parts of the country?
In a press statement to mark this year’s national service postings, the Executive Secretary, Mr Vincent Senam Kuagbenu, reiterated that, “The development issues which ignited the spontaneous response of students and the general public to readily accept the concept of national service four decades ago and availed themselves to offer service to the nation are still very relevant”.
Mr Kuagbenu stirred the hornet’s nest recently when he declared that newly-trained medical officers are also to do national service as demanded under the Ghana National Service Scheme Act. This was apparently to address the deficiency in health personnel, especially nurses and doctors in most of the country’s health facilities in the rural areas.
The Executive Secretary of the National Service Scheme was only stating the obvious as prescribed by law but which has been ignored over the years, and many were those who were quick to raise issues with his position.
Life in the rural areas is not only stagnant but very repulsive because of the harsh conditions there. Many of their schools lack qualified and good teachers. Many of their medical facilities are without the full complement of staff.
There are a lot of classrooms, clinics and other social infrastructure which need to be constructed. These need not necessarily be put to tender and create room for corruption, delays and shoddy work. Communities in the rural areas are ready and prepared to do anything to improve their lives if only the government will give them a slight push. They will welcome the supply of building materials and the presence of national service personnel and with local artisans in abundance; build their own classroom blocks, clinics, community centres and many. They can even build their own small irrigation canals for their farms with the support of national service personnel. The Dawhenya Irrigation Project which was executed by students when Colonel George Bernasko was in charge of agriculture proves that point.
If the dream of the originators of the national service scheme about four decades were allowed to crystallise, a lot of our rural communities would have been transformed with better infrastructure including classrooms, clinics, water systems, recreational facilities and many more. Then the national service would have served its purpose of inculcating the spirit of nationalism and patriotism in the youth; it would have garnered the skills and energies of the youth into national development and by settling among the people, working with them, sharing in their communal life and by mixing with the youth from other parts of the country, the target of national integration would have been in sight if not achieved already.
The recent outcry over the national service postings only goes to illustrate how the scheme has been prostituted over the years to become a mere employment agency with very little touch of national service.
How do people do national service working in the banks and hotels in Accra and other big towns? What is national about those services? So if we allow some Ghanaians to work in glittering offices in Accra and the big towns, how do we justify the posting of other Ghanaians to rural communities to work under harsh conditions when at the end of the day, the national service certificate will be the same for the two categories of service personnel?
We are all guilty for the various roles we played in steering the scheme off its original course. Those to take the biggest blame are those powerful men and women in government and other high places who do not want their children to leave the comfort of their homes to do national service where their services are crucially needed.
Many Americans, Europeans and Japanese have left their relatively far better conditions in their countries to come here and serve our people in their poor communities. Why do we have many excuses for not rendering national service where it is needed most?
This year, a bold attempt was made to come close to what the scheme was originally meant to be, for which the Executive Director needs to be commended even though this was met with the chagrin of some people. An attempt to introduce military training into the scheme in the past was met with resistance, even though, today, as we battle with the menace of armed robbery many Ghanaians would wish that they were in a position to defend themselves when they come under attack from these miscreants.
The national service scheme is a noble one and many countries have used it not only for nation building but also for social integration. Our national service scheme can also achieve the desired effects if we can go back to its core objectives which are as relevant today as they were yesterday.
The scheme must, therefore, discourage posting service personnel to the cities and big towns and concentrate on rural development. That also means the scheme must aim at becoming an autonomous institution that could camp its personnel at specific project sites so that service personnel do not use lack of accommodation and other logistics to avoid serving their nation.
fokofi@yahoo.co.uk
kofiakordor.blogspot.com
Tuesday, October 27, 2009
COMPROMISING THE POLICE WITH CHARITY (OCT 27)
HERE was this police constable with his AK47 straddling his shoulders and labouring to his duty post on foot. Then a taxi pulled up with an offer from the driver to drop him (constable), since he was going his way.
By some inexplicable coincidence, this taxi driver continued to meet this police constable on the days that followed and offered him lift on each occasion, until they struck acquaintance and became friends.
Can you imagine what will happen if these two persons — the police constable and the taxi driver — meet again. This time not as friends, but as a law enforcement officer and a suspect in a criminal case.
They say, “one good turn deserves another”, and we should not expect the constable to forget so soon the assistance he had been getting from the taxi driver as he made his daily journey to his duty post. The outcome of that case can well be predicted.
Imagine the unpleasant duty of a police prosecutor who is handling a case involving his landlord who is accommodating several police officers because the service could not build its own residential facility for its officers.
Even if the prosecutor is able to maintain his professional independence, he will leave doubts in the minds of many members of the public, especially if the case should end up in favour of the landlord.
Even though our security as individuals and as a nation, relies crucially on an effective, efficient and well-equipped police service, our response to the needs and requirements of service personnel has been on the reverse side.
Our governments have made and continue to make promises to provide the needs of service men and women, and to equip the service with the requisite logistics so that they can deliver. These provisions remain largely inadequate, thus putting a lot of strain — physical, mental, psychological and financial — on the service men and women, especially those who are committed and determined to execute their mandate in the interest of national peace and security.
Often times, members of the public expect the best from the police without sparing a few moments to ponder over their service conditions and the circumstances under which they operate.
To start with, most of our police stations lack spacious and environmentally friendly accommodation.
The difference in the condition of the police personnel and suspects in their custody is not very clear. They are all crammed in a limited space, very stuffy and they cannot avoid the stench of a mixture of human sweat and waste material exuding from what is described as a cell.
Working in such a stifling environment renders the police officer himself an aggrieved person. Already, there is a general problem with salaries among public servants and so his reaction to complaints from the public will not be the best.
Many projects initiated more than 30 years ago by the Acheampong regime to provide office accommodation for the police in the regional capitals have been ignored and abandoned by successive governments. Why should such a sensitive and strategic public institution be treated so shabbily? Is it another case of a lack of funds?
After working in such a hostile environment, the police man or woman does not get any solace when he or she closes from work.
First is how to get home, and second is whether there is any comfort in what is supposed to be a home. Home may be a small one-bedroom structure, accommodating man and wife, about three children and two other nephews or nieces.
Privacy is limited. so from the word go, children have to start picking some few tricks from father and mother which they make good use of prematurely with dire consequences. These are living conditions that can subject an ardent moralist to severe temptations.
Not many are able to overcome them and, therefore, compromise their professionalism and reduce justice delivery to mere mockery.
Apart from personal discomfort and inconvenience, which somehow, some are able to cope with, the greatest problem lies in logistics. Here, it is not only the police man or woman who suffers, but the whole society.
Many victims of crime find it rather difficult to believe, if told that there was no vehicle at post to be used to effect an arrest. A complainant is, therefore, asked to look for a vehicle if his/her case should be given any attention.
Straightaway, the police man/woman has put himself/herself in a compromising situation, since it is difficult to sit in somebody’s vehicle and not deliver to his/her satisfaction, no matter how bad his/her case may turn out to be.
The police are lacking in many things, from common flashlights and raincoats to patrol vehicles and communication equipment. This has virtually rendered the service a destitute institution always appealing for public support. That is where the danger lies.
The police service should not at any time lose its independence. They say there is no free lunch and we should not expect that any act of charity from individuals or corporate institutions will go unrewarded. And the only way the police can reward a benefactor is to look the other way when there is the breach of the law.
Not too long ago, a prominent businessman who took up the crusade of helping the police overcome some of their predicaments got entangled with the law when one of his sons was involved in a shooting incident in a night club.
How do you ignore the pleas of a benefactor, who even donated vehicles to the police? More so, when the person had shown remorse and was prepared to pay for damages and compensate the victim. Nothing has been heard again of the case, and there is a general belief that the police have reciprocated the businessman’s goodwill and gesture.
No matter the financial standing of the country, the basic needs of the police should not be provided as an act of charity. The police need the support and co-operation of members of the public insofar as volunteering information is concerned.
Beyond that, any material support offered today will compromise the independence and effectiveness of the police tomorrow. This will be too expensive a price to pay for a vehicle, a television set, a computer, a flashlight or a free ride.
The police are not alone in this category. Members of the judiciary and other law enforcement agencies, including the media should be careful when they receive gifts from individuals and institutions.
When the Kufuor administration released a piece of state property to the Ghana Journalists Association to be used as an international press centre, some people were quick to read meaning into it. They claimed it was an indirect way of courting friendship with the media to gain undue advantage. That might not necessarily have been the case, and it could be that the Government then was only interested in contributing to a vibrant and internationally acclaimed media.
So even if the Government that is enjoined to cater for the needs and interests of all should be suspected of courting favours from the media with a house, why should people think that any private support for the police will not be without any selfish and parochial interests?
The police should be the last institution to fall into the pockets of private individuals and corporate institutions for the reason that the state has failed in its responsibility to this important institution.
fokofi@yahoo.co.uk
kofiakordor.blogspot.com
By some inexplicable coincidence, this taxi driver continued to meet this police constable on the days that followed and offered him lift on each occasion, until they struck acquaintance and became friends.
Can you imagine what will happen if these two persons — the police constable and the taxi driver — meet again. This time not as friends, but as a law enforcement officer and a suspect in a criminal case.
They say, “one good turn deserves another”, and we should not expect the constable to forget so soon the assistance he had been getting from the taxi driver as he made his daily journey to his duty post. The outcome of that case can well be predicted.
Imagine the unpleasant duty of a police prosecutor who is handling a case involving his landlord who is accommodating several police officers because the service could not build its own residential facility for its officers.
Even if the prosecutor is able to maintain his professional independence, he will leave doubts in the minds of many members of the public, especially if the case should end up in favour of the landlord.
Even though our security as individuals and as a nation, relies crucially on an effective, efficient and well-equipped police service, our response to the needs and requirements of service personnel has been on the reverse side.
Our governments have made and continue to make promises to provide the needs of service men and women, and to equip the service with the requisite logistics so that they can deliver. These provisions remain largely inadequate, thus putting a lot of strain — physical, mental, psychological and financial — on the service men and women, especially those who are committed and determined to execute their mandate in the interest of national peace and security.
Often times, members of the public expect the best from the police without sparing a few moments to ponder over their service conditions and the circumstances under which they operate.
To start with, most of our police stations lack spacious and environmentally friendly accommodation.
The difference in the condition of the police personnel and suspects in their custody is not very clear. They are all crammed in a limited space, very stuffy and they cannot avoid the stench of a mixture of human sweat and waste material exuding from what is described as a cell.
Working in such a stifling environment renders the police officer himself an aggrieved person. Already, there is a general problem with salaries among public servants and so his reaction to complaints from the public will not be the best.
Many projects initiated more than 30 years ago by the Acheampong regime to provide office accommodation for the police in the regional capitals have been ignored and abandoned by successive governments. Why should such a sensitive and strategic public institution be treated so shabbily? Is it another case of a lack of funds?
After working in such a hostile environment, the police man or woman does not get any solace when he or she closes from work.
First is how to get home, and second is whether there is any comfort in what is supposed to be a home. Home may be a small one-bedroom structure, accommodating man and wife, about three children and two other nephews or nieces.
Privacy is limited. so from the word go, children have to start picking some few tricks from father and mother which they make good use of prematurely with dire consequences. These are living conditions that can subject an ardent moralist to severe temptations.
Not many are able to overcome them and, therefore, compromise their professionalism and reduce justice delivery to mere mockery.
Apart from personal discomfort and inconvenience, which somehow, some are able to cope with, the greatest problem lies in logistics. Here, it is not only the police man or woman who suffers, but the whole society.
Many victims of crime find it rather difficult to believe, if told that there was no vehicle at post to be used to effect an arrest. A complainant is, therefore, asked to look for a vehicle if his/her case should be given any attention.
Straightaway, the police man/woman has put himself/herself in a compromising situation, since it is difficult to sit in somebody’s vehicle and not deliver to his/her satisfaction, no matter how bad his/her case may turn out to be.
The police are lacking in many things, from common flashlights and raincoats to patrol vehicles and communication equipment. This has virtually rendered the service a destitute institution always appealing for public support. That is where the danger lies.
The police service should not at any time lose its independence. They say there is no free lunch and we should not expect that any act of charity from individuals or corporate institutions will go unrewarded. And the only way the police can reward a benefactor is to look the other way when there is the breach of the law.
Not too long ago, a prominent businessman who took up the crusade of helping the police overcome some of their predicaments got entangled with the law when one of his sons was involved in a shooting incident in a night club.
How do you ignore the pleas of a benefactor, who even donated vehicles to the police? More so, when the person had shown remorse and was prepared to pay for damages and compensate the victim. Nothing has been heard again of the case, and there is a general belief that the police have reciprocated the businessman’s goodwill and gesture.
No matter the financial standing of the country, the basic needs of the police should not be provided as an act of charity. The police need the support and co-operation of members of the public insofar as volunteering information is concerned.
Beyond that, any material support offered today will compromise the independence and effectiveness of the police tomorrow. This will be too expensive a price to pay for a vehicle, a television set, a computer, a flashlight or a free ride.
The police are not alone in this category. Members of the judiciary and other law enforcement agencies, including the media should be careful when they receive gifts from individuals and institutions.
When the Kufuor administration released a piece of state property to the Ghana Journalists Association to be used as an international press centre, some people were quick to read meaning into it. They claimed it was an indirect way of courting friendship with the media to gain undue advantage. That might not necessarily have been the case, and it could be that the Government then was only interested in contributing to a vibrant and internationally acclaimed media.
So even if the Government that is enjoined to cater for the needs and interests of all should be suspected of courting favours from the media with a house, why should people think that any private support for the police will not be without any selfish and parochial interests?
The police should be the last institution to fall into the pockets of private individuals and corporate institutions for the reason that the state has failed in its responsibility to this important institution.
fokofi@yahoo.co.uk
kofiakordor.blogspot.com
Compromising the police with charity
By Kofi Akordor
Here was this police constable with his AK-47 rifle straddling his shoulders labouring to his duty post on foot. Then a taxi pulled up with an offer from the driver to take the constable, since the driver was heading towards the policeman’s destination.
By some inexplicable coincidence, this taxi driver continued to meet the police constable on the days that followed and offered him lift on each occasion until they struck an acquaintance and became friends.
Can you imagine what will happen if these two persons — the police constable and the taxi driver — meet again, this time not as friends but as a law enforcement officer and a suspect in a criminal case?
They say that one good turn deserves another and so we should not expect the constable to forget so soon the assistance he had been getting from the taxi driver as he made his daily journey to his duty post.
The outcome of that case can well be predicted.
Imagine the unpleasant duty of a police prosecutor who is handling a case involving his landlord who is accommodating several police officers because the service cannot build its own residential facility for its officers. Even if the prosecutor is able to maintain his professional independence, he will leave doubts in the minds of many members of the public, especially if the case should end up in favour of the landlord.
Even though our security as individuals and as a nation relies crucially on an effective, efficient and well-equipped police service, our response to the needs and requirements of service personnel has been on the reserve side.
Our governments have made and continue to make promises to provide the needs of service men and women and equip the service with the requisite logistics so that the personnel can deliver. These provisions remain largely inadequate, thus putting a lot of strain — physical, mental, psychological and financial — on the service men and women, especially those who are committed and determined to execute their mandate in the interest of national peace and security.
Often, members of the public expect the best from the police, without sparring a few moments to ponder over their service conditions and the circumstances under which they operate.
To start with, most of our police stations lack spacious and environmentally friendly accommodation. The difference in the conditions of the policemen and suspects in their custody is not very clear. Both are crammed in a very stuffy and limited space and they cannot avoid the stench of a mixture of human sweat and waste material exuding from what is described as a cell.
Working in such a stifling environment renders the police officer himself an aggrieved person. Already there is a general problem with salaries among public servants and so his reaction to complaints from the public will not be the best.
Many projects initiated more than 30 years ago by the Acheampong regime to provide office accommodation for the police in the regional capitals have been ignored and abandoned by successive governments. Why should such a sensitive and strategic public institution be treated so shabbily? Is it another case of lack of funds?
After working in such a hostile environment, the policeman or woman does not get any solace when he closes from work. First is how to get home, followed by whether there is any comfort in what is supposed to be a home. Home may be a small one-bedroom structure accommodating the man and his wife, about three children and two other nephews or nieces.
Privacy is limited, so from the word go children have to start picking some few tricks from their father and their mother which they make good use of prematurely, with dire consequences. These are living conditions that can subject an ardent moralist to severe temptations. Not many are able to overcome them and, therefore, they compromise their professionalism and reduce justice delivery to mere mockery.
Apart from personal discomfort and inconvenience which, somehow, some are able to cope with, the greatest problem lies in logistics. Here, it is not only the policeman or woman who suffers but the whole society. Many victims of crime find it difficult to believe if told that there was no vehicle at post to be used to effect an arrest. A complainant is, therefore, asked to look for a vehicle if his/her case should be given any attention. Straightaway, the policeman/woman has put himself/herself in a compromising situation, since it is difficult to sit in somebody’s vehicle and not deliver to his/her satisfaction, no matter how bad his/her case may turn out to be.
The police lack many things, from common flashlights and raincoats to patrol vehicles and communication equipment. This has virtually rendered the service a destitute institution always appealing for public support.
And that is where the danger lies.
The Police Service should not at any time lose its independence. They say there is no free lunch and we should not expect that any act of charity from individuals or corporate institutions will go unrewarded. And the only way the police can reward a benefactor is to look the other way when there is a breach of the law.
Not too long ago, a prominent businessman who took up the crusade of helping the police overcome some of their predicaments got entangled with the law when one of his sons was involved in a shooting incident in a night club. How do you ignore the pleas of a benefactor who even donated vehicles to the police, more so when the person had shown remorse and was prepared to pay for the damage done and compensate the victim?
Nothing has been heard again of the case and there is general belief that the police have reciprocated the businessman’s goodwill and gesture.
No matter the financial standing of the country, the basic needs of the police should not be provided as an act of charity. The police need the support and co-operation of members of the public as far as volunteering information is concerned. Beyond that, any material support offered today will compromise the independence and effectiveness of the police tomorrow. This will be too expensive a price to pay for a vehicle, a television set, a computer, a flashlight or a free ride.
The police are not alone in this category. Members of the judiciary and other law enforcement agencies and the media should be careful when they receive gifts from individuals and institutions.
When the Kufuor administration released a piece of state property to the Ghana Journalists Association to be used as an international press centre, some people were quick to read meaning into it. They claimed it was an indirect way of courting friendship with the media to gain undue advantage. That might not necessarily have been the case and it could be that the government then was only interested in contributing to a vibrant and internationally acclaimed media.
So if even the government that is enjoined to cater for the needs and interests of all should be suspected of courting favours from the media with a house, why should people think that any private support for the police will be without any selfish and parochial interests? The police should be the last institution to fall into the pockets of private individuals and corporate institutions for the reason that the state has failed in its responsibility to this important institution.
fokofi@yahoo.co.uk
kofiakordor.blogspot.com
Here was this police constable with his AK-47 rifle straddling his shoulders labouring to his duty post on foot. Then a taxi pulled up with an offer from the driver to take the constable, since the driver was heading towards the policeman’s destination.
By some inexplicable coincidence, this taxi driver continued to meet the police constable on the days that followed and offered him lift on each occasion until they struck an acquaintance and became friends.
Can you imagine what will happen if these two persons — the police constable and the taxi driver — meet again, this time not as friends but as a law enforcement officer and a suspect in a criminal case?
They say that one good turn deserves another and so we should not expect the constable to forget so soon the assistance he had been getting from the taxi driver as he made his daily journey to his duty post.
The outcome of that case can well be predicted.
Imagine the unpleasant duty of a police prosecutor who is handling a case involving his landlord who is accommodating several police officers because the service cannot build its own residential facility for its officers. Even if the prosecutor is able to maintain his professional independence, he will leave doubts in the minds of many members of the public, especially if the case should end up in favour of the landlord.
Even though our security as individuals and as a nation relies crucially on an effective, efficient and well-equipped police service, our response to the needs and requirements of service personnel has been on the reserve side.
Our governments have made and continue to make promises to provide the needs of service men and women and equip the service with the requisite logistics so that the personnel can deliver. These provisions remain largely inadequate, thus putting a lot of strain — physical, mental, psychological and financial — on the service men and women, especially those who are committed and determined to execute their mandate in the interest of national peace and security.
Often, members of the public expect the best from the police, without sparring a few moments to ponder over their service conditions and the circumstances under which they operate.
To start with, most of our police stations lack spacious and environmentally friendly accommodation. The difference in the conditions of the policemen and suspects in their custody is not very clear. Both are crammed in a very stuffy and limited space and they cannot avoid the stench of a mixture of human sweat and waste material exuding from what is described as a cell.
Working in such a stifling environment renders the police officer himself an aggrieved person. Already there is a general problem with salaries among public servants and so his reaction to complaints from the public will not be the best.
Many projects initiated more than 30 years ago by the Acheampong regime to provide office accommodation for the police in the regional capitals have been ignored and abandoned by successive governments. Why should such a sensitive and strategic public institution be treated so shabbily? Is it another case of lack of funds?
After working in such a hostile environment, the policeman or woman does not get any solace when he closes from work. First is how to get home, followed by whether there is any comfort in what is supposed to be a home. Home may be a small one-bedroom structure accommodating the man and his wife, about three children and two other nephews or nieces.
Privacy is limited, so from the word go children have to start picking some few tricks from their father and their mother which they make good use of prematurely, with dire consequences. These are living conditions that can subject an ardent moralist to severe temptations. Not many are able to overcome them and, therefore, they compromise their professionalism and reduce justice delivery to mere mockery.
Apart from personal discomfort and inconvenience which, somehow, some are able to cope with, the greatest problem lies in logistics. Here, it is not only the policeman or woman who suffers but the whole society. Many victims of crime find it difficult to believe if told that there was no vehicle at post to be used to effect an arrest. A complainant is, therefore, asked to look for a vehicle if his/her case should be given any attention. Straightaway, the policeman/woman has put himself/herself in a compromising situation, since it is difficult to sit in somebody’s vehicle and not deliver to his/her satisfaction, no matter how bad his/her case may turn out to be.
The police lack many things, from common flashlights and raincoats to patrol vehicles and communication equipment. This has virtually rendered the service a destitute institution always appealing for public support.
And that is where the danger lies.
The Police Service should not at any time lose its independence. They say there is no free lunch and we should not expect that any act of charity from individuals or corporate institutions will go unrewarded. And the only way the police can reward a benefactor is to look the other way when there is a breach of the law.
Not too long ago, a prominent businessman who took up the crusade of helping the police overcome some of their predicaments got entangled with the law when one of his sons was involved in a shooting incident in a night club. How do you ignore the pleas of a benefactor who even donated vehicles to the police, more so when the person had shown remorse and was prepared to pay for the damage done and compensate the victim?
Nothing has been heard again of the case and there is general belief that the police have reciprocated the businessman’s goodwill and gesture.
No matter the financial standing of the country, the basic needs of the police should not be provided as an act of charity. The police need the support and co-operation of members of the public as far as volunteering information is concerned. Beyond that, any material support offered today will compromise the independence and effectiveness of the police tomorrow. This will be too expensive a price to pay for a vehicle, a television set, a computer, a flashlight or a free ride.
The police are not alone in this category. Members of the judiciary and other law enforcement agencies and the media should be careful when they receive gifts from individuals and institutions.
When the Kufuor administration released a piece of state property to the Ghana Journalists Association to be used as an international press centre, some people were quick to read meaning into it. They claimed it was an indirect way of courting friendship with the media to gain undue advantage. That might not necessarily have been the case and it could be that the government then was only interested in contributing to a vibrant and internationally acclaimed media.
So if even the government that is enjoined to cater for the needs and interests of all should be suspected of courting favours from the media with a house, why should people think that any private support for the police will be without any selfish and parochial interests? The police should be the last institution to fall into the pockets of private individuals and corporate institutions for the reason that the state has failed in its responsibility to this important institution.
fokofi@yahoo.co.uk
kofiakordor.blogspot.com
Tuesday, October 20, 2009
DOINH POLITICS WITH SERIOUS BUSINESS (OCT 20, 2009)
IN 2004, after the terrible Tsunami which devastated the coastline of some parts of south-east Asia, resulting in the death of more than 230,000 people, three prominent Americans sat in one aircraft and visited the area to show sympathy and offer support to the victims.
These three personalities were George W. Bush Snr and Bill Clinton, both former US Presidents, and George W. Bush Jnr, the then President of the US.
Former Presidents Bush Snr and Clinton belonged to the Republican and the Democratic parties, respectively, but when it came to US interest, party affiliation or interest became secondary.
In the same way, when, in 2005, Hurricane Katrina struck and wreaked havoc on parts of the southern coast of the US, including New Orleans, Americans were unanimous in condemning the Bush administration for not reacting with urgency to the disaster.
There were some racial and political undertones, though, because New Orleans has a huge Black population and it was generally observed that if the federal government was a bit slow in its response to the tragedy, then the racial issue could have been a factor.
Since the 1967 Arab/Israeli War, there has not been any major shift in US foreign policy in that region. Even after the October 1973 war when oil-producing Arab countries resorted to oil as a weapon to fight their cause, the position did not change much and it was rather poor countries in Africa which absorbed the shocks of that policy.
Every US administration comes to office with the pledge to solve the Palestinian/Israeli conflict but leaves without even condemning Israeli attacks on Palestinian settlements. That is why it is commonly said that Americans have permanent interests and not permanent friends. It is only when it affects them directly that Americans react to press home their feelings to the political leadership.
That was why when Americans were lured into a useless war in Iraq which earned them a bad image abroad and economic hardships at home, their reaction was the rejection of the Republican Party, which George Bush Snr and Jnr represented, paving the way for the first Black-American to occupy the Oval Office in the White House.
That is the American story.
The most important thing is that the Americans know their national interest or their interests as citizens and these two can never be subjugated or compromised in anyway for the interest of a few people in the name of party interest. After all the parties are there to serve the national interest, so what is party interest if the interest of the vast majority of the people is being ignored?
Since the return to multi-party constitutional rule in 1993, we in Ghana have been developing a culture which is gradually eroding in large measure, the benefits of multi-party democracy. We are now very quick to go to the defence of political parties when we should be pursuing a national agenda for development.
Tune in to any radio or television discussion and the subject matter will be either on a party justifying an action by its officials or condemning another by a different party. It is always they against US. We never try to build consensus on national issues which will propel this country forward.
Some well-meaning and respected citizens have condemned this approach to important national issues but it seems our political parties, goaded on by a media which are fast losing focus, are not tired of launching verbal assaults on one another. We do not rationalise issues again and even purely criminal cases had to be politicised one way or the other.
For instance, a former public office holder is called upon to render account for his stewardship and then a group surfaces from nowhere, chanting intimidation and persecution.
A public office holder exhibits incompetence and arbitrariness in his tenure but the moment a fresh person is put there, he/she jumps to his political party that is too eager to sing the all-too-well-known song of victimisation.
Try criticising a national policy and bringing out what may be a better alternative, then there will be cries of sabotage. The national interest is lost in the process.
Let us all agree that selling on the pavements has become a social menace in Accra and other big towns. Let the Accra Metropolitan Assembly (AMA) set in motion measures to restore order on the streets and, suddenly, the subject becomes heavily politicised to the extent that no solution can be found for the problem.
Our capital city is gradually becoming a giant slum, but any attempt to bring some semblance of sanity will see the people marshalling forces against the government in order to score cheap political points, to the detriment of the societal good.
Try removing unauthorised structures on water courses and strategic installations and those who have been complaining all along become human rights activists overnight to condemn the operation. In the end, all our governments come and go without solving most of our problems because of politics.
One of the latest to draw attention to this rather negative phenomenon is Dr Francis Appiah, the Executive Secretary of the National African Peer Review Mechanism Governing Council (NAPRM-GC), who observed that the politicisation of national issues was affecting the country’s development.
Dr Appiah, who was speaking at a validation workshop on the Asante Akim North Municipal APRM Monitoring and Evaluation Report at Konongo last week, called for a stop to the practice whereby people supported national policies based on which political party was in government.
“It is a drawback to the nation’s quest for accelerated development,” he said.
The media, especially the electronic ones, have not helped in engendering this type of healthy debate on national affairs. Panellists are invited to make contributions on serious national issues not based on their competence and their grasp of the subject matter but based on their political affiliation.
Naturally, these people come on radio or television to spew out insults and add to an already tense atmosphere without serving the national interest. Why should newspaper reviews on radio and television be by representatives of political parties and not opinion leaders very conversant with the issues under discussion?
After 52 years as an independent nation, Ghana is confronted with serious challenges that should be the focus of our national debates and the way forward.
The majority of our children are still taking their lessons in mud houses with thatch roofs. The less fortunate ones squat under trees. We are having more illiterates in our population today than immediately before and after independence.
More than 52 years into nationhood, we still find it prudent to invite foreigners to collect water bills for us. This cannot be defended by any party fanatic unless he/she does not value our sovereignty and national pride.
It is not out of place for a country that is always beating its chest proclaiming itself as the first Black nation south of the Sahara to gain political independence to go to another sovereign country for support to build a presidential palace. This is not politics. This is national pride, security and sovereignty at stake.
We are engulfed in filth everywhere. Our schools are overcrowded, with limited facilities which make mockery some of the courses pursued by the students. Traffic lights which constitute a basic necessity in our cities do not function most of the time.
We are importing everything, including junk, from all over the globe and food from even Sahelian countries. Our roads are not the best, while our health facilities are overstretched, with inadequate human and material resources.
We are more or less a colony which goes through the motion of electing our leaders seasonally. That is the freedom we enjoy.
We can change things if we begin to see every government as our government that must be supported, advised and criticised to deliver and whose officers must at the same time be held accountable to us.
When we drive on our pothole-filled roads, there is no special lane for those who supported the government’s party and another, a more-terrible one, for opposition people. When school re-opens every parent determined to get a good school for his/her child must hit the road searching and pleading.
If the medical facilities are not functioning properly, there is no hope of survival whether you belong to a winning party or a losing one. In exceptional cases, a few people in government may be sent outside for treatment at our expense.
But the rest of us will either survive or die here. If the taps don’t flow there is no way a party chairman will have a private pipeline. If the electricity system collapses, it affects everyone. The list goes on.
In short, our survival is tied to the fortunes of this country, that is why we should not allow a few people to whom we have ceded our authority so that they will pursue our interests to exploit us and plunder our resources and when called upon to account for them, come back to us screaming that they are being persecuted or witch-hunted
Former Israeli Prime Minister, Ehud Olmert, is standing trial on corruption charges. In fact, he was forced out of office because of allegations of corruption and bribery.
British Prime Minister Gordon Brown is to cough out cash he illegally used to water his garden. So are other members of the British Parliament.
The immediate past Taiwanese President, Chen Shu-bian, was in September sentenced to life imprisonment for money laundering, bribery and embezzlement of government funds.
These are not witch-hunting. Public officers must hold office in trust and do what is expected of them. That is the only way countries will not be short-changed and kept in perpetual poverty and under-development.
If ministers are questioned for their stewardship, one could not fathom why some people calling themselves party supporters should jump to the side of such ministers. Yes, due process must be followed, not just making wild allegations. In the same way, a public officer who is doing well must be given all the necessary encouragement to deliver in the interest of the people. A policy or programme which has everything good about it should be supported by all to bring about the positive change we are all clamouring for.
Multi-party democracy is good. It guarantees our individual rights and the freedoms and freedom to choose. It is better than even the best of benevolent dictatorships.
It keeps governments on their toes, since the possibility of change is always apparent. That is the power we wield as an electorate and which must be well exercised for the national or common good.
It will be dangerous and counter-productive to allow multi-partyism to polarise us into them and us and into the winners and losers. It will not help in our national development drive.
That is why the suggestion by Mr David A. Kanga, a Deputy Commissioner of the Electoral Commission, that in order to reduce the tension and acrimony associated with the current system of ‘winner-takes-all’ the system should give way to a blend of the winner-takes-all and proportional representation should be taken seriously.
fokofi@yahoo.co.uk
kofiakordor.blogspot.com
These three personalities were George W. Bush Snr and Bill Clinton, both former US Presidents, and George W. Bush Jnr, the then President of the US.
Former Presidents Bush Snr and Clinton belonged to the Republican and the Democratic parties, respectively, but when it came to US interest, party affiliation or interest became secondary.
In the same way, when, in 2005, Hurricane Katrina struck and wreaked havoc on parts of the southern coast of the US, including New Orleans, Americans were unanimous in condemning the Bush administration for not reacting with urgency to the disaster.
There were some racial and political undertones, though, because New Orleans has a huge Black population and it was generally observed that if the federal government was a bit slow in its response to the tragedy, then the racial issue could have been a factor.
Since the 1967 Arab/Israeli War, there has not been any major shift in US foreign policy in that region. Even after the October 1973 war when oil-producing Arab countries resorted to oil as a weapon to fight their cause, the position did not change much and it was rather poor countries in Africa which absorbed the shocks of that policy.
Every US administration comes to office with the pledge to solve the Palestinian/Israeli conflict but leaves without even condemning Israeli attacks on Palestinian settlements. That is why it is commonly said that Americans have permanent interests and not permanent friends. It is only when it affects them directly that Americans react to press home their feelings to the political leadership.
That was why when Americans were lured into a useless war in Iraq which earned them a bad image abroad and economic hardships at home, their reaction was the rejection of the Republican Party, which George Bush Snr and Jnr represented, paving the way for the first Black-American to occupy the Oval Office in the White House.
That is the American story.
The most important thing is that the Americans know their national interest or their interests as citizens and these two can never be subjugated or compromised in anyway for the interest of a few people in the name of party interest. After all the parties are there to serve the national interest, so what is party interest if the interest of the vast majority of the people is being ignored?
Since the return to multi-party constitutional rule in 1993, we in Ghana have been developing a culture which is gradually eroding in large measure, the benefits of multi-party democracy. We are now very quick to go to the defence of political parties when we should be pursuing a national agenda for development.
Tune in to any radio or television discussion and the subject matter will be either on a party justifying an action by its officials or condemning another by a different party. It is always they against US. We never try to build consensus on national issues which will propel this country forward.
Some well-meaning and respected citizens have condemned this approach to important national issues but it seems our political parties, goaded on by a media which are fast losing focus, are not tired of launching verbal assaults on one another. We do not rationalise issues again and even purely criminal cases had to be politicised one way or the other.
For instance, a former public office holder is called upon to render account for his stewardship and then a group surfaces from nowhere, chanting intimidation and persecution.
A public office holder exhibits incompetence and arbitrariness in his tenure but the moment a fresh person is put there, he/she jumps to his political party that is too eager to sing the all-too-well-known song of victimisation.
Try criticising a national policy and bringing out what may be a better alternative, then there will be cries of sabotage. The national interest is lost in the process.
Let us all agree that selling on the pavements has become a social menace in Accra and other big towns. Let the Accra Metropolitan Assembly (AMA) set in motion measures to restore order on the streets and, suddenly, the subject becomes heavily politicised to the extent that no solution can be found for the problem.
Our capital city is gradually becoming a giant slum, but any attempt to bring some semblance of sanity will see the people marshalling forces against the government in order to score cheap political points, to the detriment of the societal good.
Try removing unauthorised structures on water courses and strategic installations and those who have been complaining all along become human rights activists overnight to condemn the operation. In the end, all our governments come and go without solving most of our problems because of politics.
One of the latest to draw attention to this rather negative phenomenon is Dr Francis Appiah, the Executive Secretary of the National African Peer Review Mechanism Governing Council (NAPRM-GC), who observed that the politicisation of national issues was affecting the country’s development.
Dr Appiah, who was speaking at a validation workshop on the Asante Akim North Municipal APRM Monitoring and Evaluation Report at Konongo last week, called for a stop to the practice whereby people supported national policies based on which political party was in government.
“It is a drawback to the nation’s quest for accelerated development,” he said.
The media, especially the electronic ones, have not helped in engendering this type of healthy debate on national affairs. Panellists are invited to make contributions on serious national issues not based on their competence and their grasp of the subject matter but based on their political affiliation.
Naturally, these people come on radio or television to spew out insults and add to an already tense atmosphere without serving the national interest. Why should newspaper reviews on radio and television be by representatives of political parties and not opinion leaders very conversant with the issues under discussion?
After 52 years as an independent nation, Ghana is confronted with serious challenges that should be the focus of our national debates and the way forward.
The majority of our children are still taking their lessons in mud houses with thatch roofs. The less fortunate ones squat under trees. We are having more illiterates in our population today than immediately before and after independence.
More than 52 years into nationhood, we still find it prudent to invite foreigners to collect water bills for us. This cannot be defended by any party fanatic unless he/she does not value our sovereignty and national pride.
It is not out of place for a country that is always beating its chest proclaiming itself as the first Black nation south of the Sahara to gain political independence to go to another sovereign country for support to build a presidential palace. This is not politics. This is national pride, security and sovereignty at stake.
We are engulfed in filth everywhere. Our schools are overcrowded, with limited facilities which make mockery some of the courses pursued by the students. Traffic lights which constitute a basic necessity in our cities do not function most of the time.
We are importing everything, including junk, from all over the globe and food from even Sahelian countries. Our roads are not the best, while our health facilities are overstretched, with inadequate human and material resources.
We are more or less a colony which goes through the motion of electing our leaders seasonally. That is the freedom we enjoy.
We can change things if we begin to see every government as our government that must be supported, advised and criticised to deliver and whose officers must at the same time be held accountable to us.
When we drive on our pothole-filled roads, there is no special lane for those who supported the government’s party and another, a more-terrible one, for opposition people. When school re-opens every parent determined to get a good school for his/her child must hit the road searching and pleading.
If the medical facilities are not functioning properly, there is no hope of survival whether you belong to a winning party or a losing one. In exceptional cases, a few people in government may be sent outside for treatment at our expense.
But the rest of us will either survive or die here. If the taps don’t flow there is no way a party chairman will have a private pipeline. If the electricity system collapses, it affects everyone. The list goes on.
In short, our survival is tied to the fortunes of this country, that is why we should not allow a few people to whom we have ceded our authority so that they will pursue our interests to exploit us and plunder our resources and when called upon to account for them, come back to us screaming that they are being persecuted or witch-hunted
Former Israeli Prime Minister, Ehud Olmert, is standing trial on corruption charges. In fact, he was forced out of office because of allegations of corruption and bribery.
British Prime Minister Gordon Brown is to cough out cash he illegally used to water his garden. So are other members of the British Parliament.
The immediate past Taiwanese President, Chen Shu-bian, was in September sentenced to life imprisonment for money laundering, bribery and embezzlement of government funds.
These are not witch-hunting. Public officers must hold office in trust and do what is expected of them. That is the only way countries will not be short-changed and kept in perpetual poverty and under-development.
If ministers are questioned for their stewardship, one could not fathom why some people calling themselves party supporters should jump to the side of such ministers. Yes, due process must be followed, not just making wild allegations. In the same way, a public officer who is doing well must be given all the necessary encouragement to deliver in the interest of the people. A policy or programme which has everything good about it should be supported by all to bring about the positive change we are all clamouring for.
Multi-party democracy is good. It guarantees our individual rights and the freedoms and freedom to choose. It is better than even the best of benevolent dictatorships.
It keeps governments on their toes, since the possibility of change is always apparent. That is the power we wield as an electorate and which must be well exercised for the national or common good.
It will be dangerous and counter-productive to allow multi-partyism to polarise us into them and us and into the winners and losers. It will not help in our national development drive.
That is why the suggestion by Mr David A. Kanga, a Deputy Commissioner of the Electoral Commission, that in order to reduce the tension and acrimony associated with the current system of ‘winner-takes-all’ the system should give way to a blend of the winner-takes-all and proportional representation should be taken seriously.
fokofi@yahoo.co.uk
kofiakordor.blogspot.com
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